•BURR 


EDGAR  STANTQN  MACL  AY 


***** 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Class 


MOSES    BROWN,    CAPTAIN    U.    S.    N. 
Sketched  from  an  old  portrait. 


MOSES    BROWN 
CAPTAIN  U.S.N. 


By 

EDGAR  ST ANTON  MACLAY,  A.  M. 

Author  of  A  History  of  the  United  States  Navy,  A  His 
tory  of  American  Trivateers,  Reminiscences  of  the 
Old  Navy,   Life  and  Adventures   of  Admiral 
Thilip  ;   Editor  of  the  Journal  of  William 
Maclay  (U.  S.  Senator  from  'Pennsyl 
vania,   1789-1791),  Editor  of  the 
Diary  of  Samuel  Maclay  (U.  S. 
Senator  from  'Pennsylva 
nia,  1802-1809) 


Of  THE 

(  UNIVERSITY   } 

OF 


NEW  YORK 
THE  BAKER  AND  TAYLOR  COMPANY 

33-37  East  Seventeenth  Street 


Copyright,  1904,  by 
THE  BAKER  AND  TAYLOR  COMPANY 


PUBLISHED  MARCH,  1904 


The  American  Printing  House 

312  to  320  E.  23  5*. 

New  York 


To  the  Memory  of 
EMILY   ADAMS   GETCHELL 

February  7,  1850 — July  z,  1901 

ONE  OF  THOSE  NOBLEWOMEN  OF  AMERICA  TO  WHOSE  PATRIOTISM 
WE  ARE  INDEBTED  FOR  THE  PRESERVATION  AND  COM 
MEMORATION  OF  MANY  HEROIC  EPISODES 
IN  OUR  COUNTRY'S  HISTORY 

THIS  WORK  IS  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED 


212250 


CONTENTS 


EXPLANATORY 

Two  forgotten  sea  fights — Errors  concerning  the 
General  Arnold — Navy  officers  in  privateers — 
General  neglect  of  our  maritime  interests — No 
official  record — A  well  authenticated  battle — Our 
three  Merrimacs — Building  the  first  Merrimac 
— Capture  of  the  Sukey  and  Friends  .  13-23 

CHAPTER  I 

OUR   UNKNOWN   NAVAL   HEROES 

Many  good  fighters — "  Dame  Opportunity  " — Dis 
obeying  orders  so  as  to  "get  at  the  enemy" 
— Farragut's  opportunity — Nelson  and  Colling- 
wood — Striking  illustration  in  the  careers  of 
Paulding  and  Farragut — Eventful  lives  of  sea 
men — Moses  Brown's  records  .  .  .  25-33 

CHAPTER  II 

NEWBURYPORT 

"A  mortal  blow"  at  British  supremacy— True 
"  Down  East "  nerve — A  call  for  volunteers — 
The  remarkable  capture  of  the  Friends — Ac 
tivity  of  Newburyport  privateers — "  Fixing  out " 
armed  vessels — Moses  Brown's  first  voyages — 
High  ideals  of  morality — "Gentleman"  Brown 
— At  the  siege  of  Louisburgh — Trading  in  the 

[5] 


CONTENTS 

West  Indies — What  the  conditions  of  old-time 
apprenticeship  meant — A  sample  Indenture       34-47 

CHAPTER  III 

HIS   FIRST  SEA   FIGHT 

In  His  Majesty's  service — A  part  of  a  great  fleet — 
Becomes  separated  in  a  storm — Attacked  by  two 
French  privateers — Brown's  injury — Two  months 
in  a  hospital  at  Guadeloupe — The  unfortunate 
Phoebe — Completing  his  apprenticeship — Smug 
gling — Fondness  for  children — Nearly  buried 
alive  at  sea — Foundering  at  sea — Seven  days  in 
an  open  boat — The  rescue  ....  48-58 

CHAPTER  IV 

IN   THE    LION'S  DEN 

Brown's  "resourcefulness"  —  Sailing  for  Europe. 
His  audacious  arrival  in  England — Spends  ten 
weeks  in  Venice — In  a  sudden  predicament — 
Leaping  out  of  a  trap — "Safe  and  sound"  in 
the  Thames — Good  English  money  in  his  pocket 
— Return  to  America — A  "perilous"  land  voy 
age — Safe  return  to  Newburyport  .  .  59-67 

CHAPTER  V 

FIRST   COMMAND   OF  A   WAR-SHIP 

Formidable  privateers — Naming  cruisers  after  gen 
erals — Sailing  in  the  Hannah — Promptly  cap 
tured  by  the  enemy — In  a  Rhode  Island  prison 
ship — Return  to  Newburyport — In  command  of 
a  splendid  privateer — A  plot  to  murder  Moses 
Brown — Fatal  testing  of  the  ship's  guns — Get 
ting  a  new  battery — "  Then  I'll  die  directly,  sir  " 
— An  unprofitable  cruise  ,  68-74 


[6] 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VI 

A   "  WARM   BATTLE  " 

A  forgotten  sea  battle — Erroneous  records — Captain 
Brown's  modest  account — Corroborative  testi 
mony — Sailing  from  Cape  Ann — "  His  August 
Highness,  the  ship's  cook" — Off  the  Western 
Islands — The  enemy  sighted — A  showing  of 
colors — At  close  quarters — Repulse  of  the  enemy 
— The  Americans  unable  to  chase — The  Greg- 
son—"  A  rebel  frigate  of  thirty-two  guns  "  75-83 

CHAPTER  VII 

A  FORGOTTEN   SEA   FIGHT 

Waiting  in  vain  for  the  Gregson — Making  a  rich 
prize — Good  discipline  in  the  General  Arnold — 
"Gentlemen  Sailors" — Off  Cape  Finisterre — 
A  swift  chase — Preliminary  "sparring" — The 
Englishman  sinks  alongside — Captain  Beynon's 
magnificent  fight — Courtesy  to  his  prisoners — 
Captain  Beynon's  official  report — "Our  guns 
told  well  on  both  sides  "— "  The  cook,  I  believe, 
was  drowned" 84-91 

CHAPTER  VIII 

A   PRISONER   OF   WAR 

The  audacity  of  Brown's  attack — Chased  by  a  fleet 
— Capture  and  recapture  of  the  George — The 
General  Arnold  taken  by  the  Experiment — Sir 
James'  gallantry — "  His  Majesty,  King  George 
the  Third"— "His  Excellency,  General  George 
Washington" — A  spirited  scene — Arrival  at 

[7] 


CONTENTS 

Savannah — Exchange  of  prisoners — A  series  of 
terrific  storms — Another  "  perilous "  land  voy 
age  92-97 

CHAPTER  IX 

PERILOUS   TIMES   FOR   MERCHANTMEN 

In  command  of  the  splendid  Intrepid — One  of  John 
Paul  Jones'  officers  for  his  lieutenant — Captain 
Jones  visits  Newburyport — On  a  difficult  and 
dangerous  mission — Its  successful  accomplish 
ment — Acts  of  violence  by  neutrals — Planning 
for  a  voyage  to  India — Mr.  Nathaniel  Tracy: 
"  Merchant  Prince  " — Lieutenant  Patrick  Fletch 
er — Hardships  of  a  seafaring  life — "  Thirty- 
two  years  of  toil,  trouble,  and  almost  death" 
— Starting  life  anew — Final  entries  in  his 
diary 98-109 

CHAPTER  X 

TRADING   UNDER  DIFFICULTIES 

Captured  by  an  English  privateer  in  time  of  peace — 
Ship  and  cargo  detained  at  New  Providence  at 
ruinous  loss — Discouraging  American  carrying 
trade — Some  fairly  profitable  voyages — Wrecked 
in  the  West  Indies — Captured  by  a  Bermuda 
privateer — In  charge  of  a  drunken  prize  master 
— Brown  seriously  ill  and  no  medical  aid — 
Brown  compelled  to  buy  his  own  ship  .  110-115 

CHAPTER  XI 

PREPARING   FOR   WAR   WITH   FRANCE 

Our  country  without  naval  protection — Its  bad  re 
sults — False  economy — Depredations  by  English, 

[8] 


CONTENTS 

French  and  Barbary  cruisers  on  our  commerce 
— Our  frigate  Crescent — Nomenclature  of  frig 
ates — "  Not  a  penny  for  tribute  " — Establishing 
a  new  navy — Our  new  war-ships — The  new 
officers 116-122 

CHAPTER  XII 

THE  FIRST  Merrimac 

Our  three  famous  Merrimacs — New  England  losses 
on  the  high  seas — Newburyport  merchants  decide 
to  build  a  war-ship — Send  a  petition  to  Congress 
— William  Hackett  the  famous  shipbuilder — 
Some  successful  ships — Patriotism  in  1798 — A 
Fourth  of  July  celebration — Moses  Brown  made 
a  captain  in  the  navy — A  famous  launching — 
A  splendid  vessel — Her  officers — Comparative 
cost 123-136 

CHAPTER  XIII 

ON   THE   SCENE    OF   HOSTILITIES 

A  comprehensive  plan  of  action — Massing  our  naval 
forces  in  the  West  Indies — The  Merrimac's  log 
book  one  of  unusual  beauty  —  Sailing  from 
Boston— "The  blackest  of  black  nights"— A 
scene  of  anxiety — A  serious  defect  in  spars — 
"Sail,  ho!" — A  long,  stern  chase — A  mistaken 
identity— "  Hazy  and  fitful  weather"— On  the 
scene  of  action — Extra  precautions — Searching 
for  friends — At  Prince  Rupert's  Bay — Under 
fire — A  happy  meeting  ....  137-152 

CHAPTER  XIV 

CONVOYING   A   GREAT  FLEET 

Preparing  for  convoy  duty — Vain  chase  of  a  packet 

[9] 


CONTENTS 

ship — Keeping  a  sharp  lookout — In  company 
with  the  mighty  Constitution — No  "  Idle  bread  " 
on  this  cruise — Strangers  found  in  the  fleet — A 
vexatious  chase — Severe  discipline — Washington's 
birthday  at  St.  Kitts — "  Make  the  best  of  your 
way  home" — Return  to  the  rendezvous — An 
exciting  chase 153-162 

CHAPTER  XV 

CAPTURING   FRENCH    WAR-SHIPS 

A  lucky  re-capture — A  fleet  of  sixty  American  mer 
chantmen — A  brief  visit  home — Capture  of  the 
Maglcienne — A  terrific  tropical  storm — Brown's 
coolness — Cruising  in  company — A  mishap  to  the 
Norfolk — A  fleet  of  100  merchantmen — Active 
convoy  duty — Secret  information — Capture  of 
the  Bonaparte — A  dangerous  privateer  .  163-173 

CHAPTER  XVI 

VERY   ACTIVE    CRUISING 

Chasing  a  strange  sail — A  sociable  dinner  at  sea — 
An  interruption — A  good  dinner,  anyway — 
— Searching  for  a  privateer — Ceaseless  activity 
— A  lucky  recapture — A  futile  chase — At  Vera 
Cruz — Detention  in  that  port — Chasing  a  badly- 
scared  Spaniard — Arrival  in  Havana — Ordered 
to  return  home — Bad  weather — A  serious  leak 
— Extreme  measures — Home  again  .  .  174-184i 

CHAPTER  XVII 

CLOSING   SCENES 

Increased  activity  in  the  West  Indies — Enlarged 
sphere  of  action — Expedition  to  Curacao — Rout 

[10] 


CONTENTS 

of  the  French— Capture  of  the  ErillanU— Ne 
cessity  of  a  naval  force — Prosperity  of  the  na 
tion  under  naval  protection — Reducing  the  navy 
— Causes  of  opposition  to  the  navy — John  Adams 
and  Thomas  Jeiferson — Senator  Maclay  on  the 
"Court  Party" — Captain  Brown  is  "honorably 
discharged" — "Thrown  on  the  world"  again — 
The  Merrimac  sold  and  soon  afterward  wrecked 
— Brown  returns  to  mercantile  service — More 
West  Indian  voyages — His  last  view  of  his  native 
shores— His  pathetic  death  .  .  .  185-195 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

CONCLUSION 

Moses  Brown  as  a  type  of  naval  officer— His  start 
ling  experiences — "  Unofficial  opportunities  " — 
An  illustration  in  Japan — Everyday  heroism — 
An  incident  on  the  Thames,  England — A  critical 
moment — Many  such  instances  unrecorded — 
Brown's  personal  appearance — His  stormy  ca 
reer — His  undaunted  courage — Quiet  religious 
professions — High  ideals  of  morality — Not  the 
"Loblolly,  soft-headed"  kind — A  sympathetic 
nature — His  self-possession — Temperate  in  his 
habits — Honored  descendants  .  .  .  196-208 

APPENDIX  I 
Explanation  of  the  Minerva's  Commission         .    209-212 

Index  ,    213-220 


[11] 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Moses  Brown,  Captain  U.  S.  N Frontispiece 

Title  page  fac-simile  of  the 
Merrimack's  Log  Facing  page  20 

Views  of  Old  Newburyport "          "34 

Fac-simile  of  Minerva's  Com 
mission  "  "  108 

Sloop  of  War  Merrimack "          "    126 

Fac-simile  of  page  in  Merri 
mack's  Log Between  pages  140-141 

MAPS 

Newburyport  and  Its  Vicinity page  37 

Scene  of  some  of  Moses  Brown's 

Early  Voyages .  "  51 

Scene  of  Moses  Brown's  Adven 
tures  in  the  Old  World  „  .  "  61 

Scene  of  Moses  Brown's  Adven 
tures  in  the  West  Indies .  "139 


EXPLANATORY 

THAT  two  important  battles,  fought  on  the 
high  seas  in  our  struggle  for  independence  by  a 
regularly  commissioned  American  war-ship, 
should  have  escaped  official  record  or  historical 
note  during  the  last  one  hundred  years  is,  in 
deed,  a  remarkable  fact.  The  ship  was  the 
General  Arnold,  of  twenty  guns  and  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  men,  commanded  by  Moses 
Brown,  who  afterward  became  a  captain  in  the 
navy;  some  of  the  officers  serving  under  him 
also  entering  the  navy,  notably  Patrick 
Fletcher,  who,  when  commanding  the  40-gun 
frigate  Insurgent,  was  lost  with  his  ship,  in  the 
great  equinoctial  gale  of  September,  1800. 

The  only  official  mention  we  have  of  the  Gen 
eral  Arnold  is  an  entry  in  Lieutenant  George  F. 
Emmons'  admirable  "  Statistical  History  of  the 
United  States  Navy,"  published  "  under  the 
[13] 


EXPLANATORY 

authority  of  the  Navy  Department "  in  1850. 
This  entry  reads  as  follows :  "  General  Arnold, 
brig,  twenty  guns,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
men,  commanded  by  J.  Magee,  [the  ship]  from 
Massachusetts,  built  in  1778.  [On]  January 
7,  1779,  drove  ashore  at  Plymouth,  and  was 
lost  with  seventy-five  men."  That  this  entry 
is  erroneous  will  be  seen  by  the  fact,  now  clearly 
established,  that  the  General  Arnold,  so  far 
from  having  been  wrecked  January,  1779,  in 
March  and  May  of  that  year  fought  two  battles 
with  British  armed  ships.1 

Both  actions  took  place  within  a  short  sail  of 
the  coast  of  Portugal,  near  where  the  44-gun 
frigate  Constitution,  in  1815,  achieved  her 
greatest  triumph  and  performed  her  most  bril- 

1It  is  far  from  the  writer's  purpose,  in  citing  this 
error,  to  cast  any  disparagement  on  Lieutenant  Emmons' 
history.  That  the  error  exists  is  not  that  officer's  fault, 
but  that  of  the  then-established  records,  which  failed  to 
note  the  General  Arnold's  splendid  services.  Lieutenant 
Emmons'  work  is  monumental,  and  will  stand  for  years 
as  a  model  of  conscientious,  painstaking  labor — down  to 
the  minutest  detail. 

[14] 


TWO  FORGOTTEN  SEA  FIGHTS 

liant  service.  The  first  English  vessel  was  the 
heavily  armed  privateer  Gregson  of  Liverpool, 
carrying  twenty  guns  (of  heavier  caliber  than 
the  American  ship)  and  one  hundred  and  eighty 
men;  of  whom  eighteen  were  killed  and  a  pro 
portionate  number  were  wounded.  The  Gregson 
was  taken  only  after  a  desperate  action  of 
"  two  hours  and  fifteen  minutes." 

The  second  action,  also,  was  with  a  heavily 
armed  English  privateer,  the  Nanny,  of  sixteen 
guns.  Though  of  inferior  force,  the  Nanny 
made  a  magnificent  fight — actually  sinking 
alongside  the  General  Arnold,  her  men  scarcely 
having  time  to  man  the  boats. 

Although  the  General  Arnold  was  a  cruiser 
armed  and  sent  out  at  private  expense,  she  can 
properly  be  accounted  a  part  of  the  regular 
navy  of  the  Revolution.  At  that  time,  1779, 
the  Continental  navy  had  been  reduced  to  six 
vessels:  one  of  eighteen,  one  of  twenty,  one  of 
twenty-eight  and  three  of  thirty-two  guns. 

From  this  time  on,  to  the  close  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  Congress  depended  almost  entirely  on  our 
[15] 


EXPLANATORY 

privateers  to  maintain  the  flag  on  the  high  seas, 
the  Government  frequently  calling  on  them  for 
special  missions  of  national  importance ;  Cap 
tain  Brown  himself  three  years  later — hav 
ing  Henry  Lunt,  who  had  served  under  John 
Paul  Jones  in  the  famous  Bonhomme  Richard- 
Serapis  fight,  as  his  first  lieutenant — success 
fully  performing  a  voyage  to  1'Orient  and  back 
to  Baltimore  on  an  errand  of  interest  to  the 
entire  country. 

That  such  services  as  the  General  Arnold  per 
formed  have  escaped  official  record  and  formal 
notice  upward  of  one  hundred  years,  is  only 
another  evidence  of  the  general  neglect  with 
which  our  maritime  interests  have  been  treated 
by  the  people.  There  is  not  a  land  battle — not 
even  the  veriest  skirmish — which  occurred  in  the 
Revolution  that  has  not  been  exploited  in  page 
after  page  of  official  and  popular  literature, 
while  counties,  cities  and  other  geographical 
points  innumerable  have  been  named  in  their 
honor. 

The  so-called  "  battle "  of  Lexington,  in 
[16] 


NEGLECT  OF  THE  NAVY 
which  a  few  brave  farmers,  armed  mostly  with 
shotguns  and  pitchforks — having  no  military 
formation  or  pretension  whatever — were  de 
feated  by  a  detachment  of  British  regulars,  with 
a  loss  of  seven  killed  and  nine  wounded,  and  no 
injury  to  the  enemy,  is  familiar  to  every  school 
child  in  the  United  States.  Yet,  here  we  have 
two  "  real  live  "  sea  battles — between  regularly 
armed  and  commissioned  cruisers,  in  one  of 
which  eighteen  men  were  killed,  with  a  propor 
tionate  number  wounded — which  for  over  a  hun 
dred  years  have  had  not  even  official  record !  Is 
it  possible  that  the  general  opprobrium  of  the 
name  Benedict  Arnold — after  whom  this  gallant 
ship  was  named — had  anything  to  do  with  this 
erasure  of  all  mention  of  her  distinguished  ser 
vices  from  official  records?  General  Arnold 
made  his  treasonable  overtures  to  the  British  a 
few  months  after  Brown's  return  to  Newbury- 
port. 

Shortly  after  her  second  victory,  the  General 
Arnold  herself  was  captured  by  the  English 
50-gun  ship  Experiment,   Captain  Sir  James 
[17] 


EXPLANATORY 

Wallace,  so  it  is  probable  that  all  her  papers, 
records,  logs  etc.,  were  lost.  The  Experiment 
sailed  for  Charleston,  S.  C.,  where  Captain 
Brown  was  placed  in  a  prison  ship.  As  illus 
trating  the  vicissitudes  of  war,  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  Sir  James  himself,  soon  afterward, 
was  captured  by  Count  d'Estaing's  fleet. 

Captain  Brown  did  not  reach  his  home  until 
seven  months  after  his  capture  by  the  Experi 
ment,  so  that  it  is  more  than  likely  that  his  offi 
cial  report  of  these  actions  to  the  owner  of  the 
General  Arnold,  Nathaniel  Tracy,  was  made 
verbally,  and  no  record  of  it  is  likely  to  be  in 
existence. 

We  have,  however,  four  authentic  narratives 
of  these  actions  which  establish,  beyond  ques 
tion,  their  claim  to  a  place  in  the  pages  of  his 
tory.  The  first  is  the  private  diary  of  Captain 
Brown  himself,  in  his  own  handwriting,  which 
was  discovered  at  a  distant  point  in  Maine  many 
years  after  his  death.  The  original  diary  is  now 
in  the  hands  of  the 'Maine  Historical  Society. 

Next,  we  have  the  journal  of  Thomas  Greele 
[18] 


TWO  AUTHENTICATED  BATTLES 

(who  was  sailing-master  in  the  General  Arnold) 
and  the  "  Narrative  of  Ignatius  Webber,"  who 
was  a  prize-master  in  the  same  ship.  It  was  only 
at  a  comparatively  recent  date  that  these  valu 
able  records  were  brought  to  light,  and  the 
writer  frankly  acknowledges  that  he  is  greatly 
indebted  to  the  late  Emily  Adams  Getchell — to 
whom  this  work  is  dedicated — for  their  unearth 
ing. 

Fourthly,  we  have  the  official  report  of  the 
British  commander  of  the  second  English  pri 
vateer — giving  entirely  corroborative  state 
ments  of  the  action — a  copy  of  which,  fortu 
nately,  has  been  preserved,  so  that,  taken  alto 
gether,  we  have  one  of  the  completest  and  most 
satisfactory  accounts  of  any  sea  battle  fought 
in  the  Revolution. 

Another  feature  of  consideration  in  this  work 
is  the  account  given  of  the  United  States  sloop- 
of-war  Merrimac's  valuable  services  in  the  war 
against  France,  1798-1801.  The  river  Merri- 
mac  is  famous  in  American  history,  there  hav 
ing  been  in  all  three  ships  in  our  navy  bearing 
[19] 


EXPLANATORY 

that  name.  The  reading  public  is  familiar  with 
the  second  and  third  Merrimacs :  the  iron-mailed 
monster  that  caused  such  fearful  havoc  among 
the  National  wooden  warships  in  Hampton 
Roads,  March  8,  1862,  and  the  clumsy  collier 
which  Hobson  so  gallantly  carried  into  San 
tiago's  harbor,  June  3,  1898.  It  is  an  interest 
ing  fact  that  both  these  Mm-iraacs  (one  against 
the  North  and  the  other  for  it)  were  commanded 
by  sons  of  the  South.  The  late  Emily  Adams 
Getchell  published  a  poem  a  few  years  ago 
touching  on  this  point. 

Of  the  first  Merrimac,  however,  little  is 
known ;  yet  her  career — at  least  at  its  inception 
— was  quite  as  singular,  if  not  as  dramatic,  as 
that  of  her  sisters.  It  was  a  remarkable  scene 
on  that  12th  of  October,  1798,  when  the  good 
people  of  Newburyport,  Mass.,  and  from  the 
surrounding  country  for  many  miles,  assem 
bled  on  the  banks  of  the  Merrimac  to  witness 
the  launching  of  the  finest  war-ship  of  her  class 
in  the  United  States  that  day — a  craft  they  had 
built  at  their  own  private  expense  to  be  pre- 
[20] 


S6  C*#  W^S?  W'1 


Journal, 


KfiPT     ON      BOARD 


UNITED  STATES  SHIP, 


M  E  R  R  I  M  A  C  K; 


OF  TWENTY'  C  U  N  S. 


E 


Breton, 


COMMANDER.        j& 


Title  page  fac-simile  of  the  Merrimack's  log,  reduced  from  9  x  7  inches. 


IP! 

Of   THE 

{  UNIVERSITY  ) 

OF  / 


OUR  THREE  «  MERRIMACS  " 

sented,  free  of  all  immediate  cost,  to  the  na 
tion. 

It  would  not  be  an  exaggeration  to  compare 
this  scene  with  the  supposititious  spectacle  of 
the  sturdy  people  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  to-day, 
building  a  modern  cruiser  of  the  Montgomery 
type  at  their  own  expense  and  presenting  her  to 
the  Government  to  fight  the  country's  enemies. 

Our  Government,  in  1798,  was  sorely  pressed 
for  money  and  eagerly  accepted  the  gift,  so  that 
the  first  Merrimac  sailed  for  the  West  Indies 
January  3,  1779,  where  she  remained — almost 
continuously  at  sea — until  the  termination  of 
hostilities,  which  was  in  1801.  She  captured 
four  French  privateers,  recaptured  a  number  of 
American  and  English  merchantmen  that  were 
in  the  hands  of  French  prize  crews,  was  flag 
ship  in  the  expedition  to  Cura9ao  and  rendered 
other  important  services. 

Nearly  all  the  details  of  this  service  have  re 
mained  for  over  one  hundred  years  a  closed  book 
to  the  public.  Through  the  courtesy  of  the 
Hon.  Moses  Brown,  of  Massachusetts,  a  great- 
•[21] 


EXPLANATORY 

grandson  of  Captain  Brown,  the  original  log 
book  of  the  Merrimac — a  weather-stained  vol 
ume,  thirteen  by  eight  inches,  of  one  hundred 
and  seventy  pages — has  been  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  writer,  and  has  thrown  a  flood  of 
light  on  this  "  darkest  period  "  of  our  navy's 
literature.  It  gives  a  detailed  account  of  cap 
tures  and  recaptures  and  of  the  important 
convoy  service  in  which  she  was  engaged. 

Among  the  many  items  of  historical  impor 
tance  that  have  been  brought  to  light  in  this 
work  it  would  be  unfair  to  pass  over  that  of  the 
capture  of  the  English  provision  ships  Sukey 
and  Friends  by  seventeen  men  in  whaleboats  out 
of  Newburyport,  as  described  in  Chapter  II. 
The  deed  was  daringly  conceived  and  cleverly 
executed.  Trivial  as  the  affair  might  seem  at 
first  glance,  it  was  the  repetition  of  such  cap 
tures  that  made  the  carrying  on  of  war  in  Amer 
ica  an  exceedingly  complex  problem  for  British 
commanders.  The  author  is  not  aware  that 
any  mention  of  this  plucky  enterprise  has  ever 
before  been  given,  formally,  to  the  public. 
[22] 


AUTHOR'S  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

The  writer  has  taken  the  liberty  of  making 
maps  to  cover  the  geographical  points  of  every 
few  chapters.  Although  most  of  the  names 
mentioned  in  the  narrative  are  familiar,  interest 
in  the  story  is  enhanced  by  having  the  points 
clearly  indicated  in  simple  maps  interspersed 
here  and  there  in  the  text. 

In  conclusion,  the  writer  desires  to  acknowl 
edge  the  assistance  he  has  received  in  gathering 
material  for  this  work,  from  the  late  Emily 
Adams  Getchell,  the  Hon.  Moses  Brown,  Mr. 
Causten  Browne,  Mr.  George  P.  Tilton,  Charles 
Wellesley  Allen  and  Mr.  William  H.  Swasey. 

E.  S.  M. 

NEW  YORK,  December,  1903. 


[23] 


MOSES  BROWN— CAPTAIN  U.  S.  N. 
CHAPTER  I 

OUR  UNKNOWN  NAVAL  HEROES 

IN  his  "  Elegy  Written  in  a  Country  Church 
yard,"  Thomas  Gray  speaks  feelingly  of 
the   unknown   master   minds,   the   unborn 
heroes,  the  unheralded  orators  and  the  unappre 
ciated  statesmen  who  lived  and  passed  away  in 
obscurity    because    elusive    opportunity — that 
sudden  chance  which  comes  but  once  in  a  lifetime 
and,  if  embraced,  carries  men  to  the  pinnacle  of 
fame — either  did  not  visit  them  or  was  not  rec 
ognized  at  the  supreme  moment. 

The  same  lines  of  this  Elegy  may  easily  be 
applied  to  the  great  body  of  men  who  have  com 
posed  the  personnel  of  the  United  States  Navy 
in  the  last  one  hundred  and  twenty -five  years. 
It  has  been  said  by  those  who  are  competent  to 
[25] 


OUR  UNKNOWN  NAVAL  HEROES 

pronounce  authoritatively  on  the  subject,  that 
where  there  was  but  one  John  Paul  Jones  and 
one  Nicholas  Biddle  in  our  navy  known  to  the 
public  during  the  war  for  independence,  there 
were  dozens  known  to  their  brother  officers ;  that 
where  there  was  only  one  Thomas  Truxtun,  only 
one  Richard  Dale  and  only  one  George  Preble 
in  our  wars  with  France  and  Tripoli,  there  were 
among  the  navy  officers  who  fought  with  them 
much  of  the  stuff  of  which  Nelsons,  Colling- 
woods,  and  Farraguts  were  made;  that  where 
the  public  knew  of  only  one  David  Porter,  one 
Stephen  Decatur,  one  William  Bainbridge,  one 
Oliver  Hazard  Perry,  one  James  Macdonough 
and  one  Charles  Stewart  in  the  war  of  1812, 
these  same  master-minds  knew  among  their  ship 
mates  scores  of  officers  who  failed  to  emerge 
from  comparative  obscurity  only  because  Dame 
Opportunity  was  unkind  to  them. 

And  so  we  could  go  on  through  the  entire 

one  hundred  and  twenty-five  years  of  our  Navy's 

glorious  career.     There  were  scores  of  unknown 

Farraguts,  Porters,  Wordens,  Winslows  in  our 

[26] 


A  NAUTICAL  WILL-O'-THE-WISP 

maritime  struggle  with  the  South,  and  that 
there  were  not  scores  of  Deweys  in  our  conflict 
with  Spain  was  simply  because  there  were  not 
scores  of  opportunities. 

"  Opportunity,"  that  wonderful  lodestone 
which  points  out  the  path  to  immortal  fame,  is 
the  illusive  will-o'-the-wisp  sought  by  the  pro 
fessional  sailor  from  the  time  he  enters  upon  his 
novitiate  to  the  day  he  finally  lays  down  the 
burden  of  professional  duty.  It  is  a  mysterious 
phantom  which  he  pursues  in  his  work  by  day 
and  in  his  dreams  by  night;  constantly  in  his 
mind,  seldom  seen  but  once  in  the  longest  pro 
fessional  careers — in  too  many  cases  never  at  all 
— yet  ever  before  him  like  the  mirage  torment 
ing  the  throat-parched  traveler  in  the  desert, 
ever  urging  him  onward  with  tantalizing  per 
sistency  in  the  dreary  performance  of  monot 
onous,  soul-trying  routine  of  daily  professional 
life. 

It  has  been  on  account  of  this  maddening  de 
sire  to  seize  opportunity  that  officers  and  men  in 
the  service  have  been  impelled  to  approach  closer 
[27] 


OUR  UNKNOWN  NAVAL  HEROES 

to  the  verge  of  actual  insubordination — in  some 
cases  boldly  refusing  to  obey  the  strictest  orders 
of  their  superiors,  even  to  the  extent  of  incur 
ring  the  death  penalty — than  for  any  other 
motive. 

We  recall  the  pathetic  answer  of  a  seaman  of 
the  Revolution  who,  on  being  rebuked  for  tak 
ing  it  upon  himself  to  lead  a  party  of  boarders 
on  the  enemy's  deck,  said:  "  I — I — jes'  couldn't 
help  it,  sir."  We  turn  with  pride  to  the  episode 
of  the  slender  Philadelphian  youth  who — 
against  the  sternest  commands — smuggled  him 
self  aboard  the  ketch  Intrepid  when  starting  on 
her  mission  of  extreme  peril  into  the  harbor  of 
Tripoli,  "  merely  because  I  wished  to  see  the 
parts."  We  remember  the  bold  defiance  of  Cap 
tain  Isaac  Hull,  who  sailed  out  of  Boston  in 
1812  against  the  orders  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy — an  act  for  which  he  might  easily  have 
been  shot — and  began  that  series  of  brilliant 
victories  over  the  British  on  the  high  seas  which 
made  American  naval  prowess  feared  and  re 
spected  the  world  over. 

[28] 


BRAVING    ALL    ESTABLISHED    RULES 

Farragut's  determination  to  run  his  frail 
wooden  ships  past  the  Confederate  forts  below 
New  Orleans  and  the  hell-barriers  that  stretched 
across  the  river,  in  the  dead  of  night,  was 
against  the  urgent  advice  of  some  of  his  highest 
officers  and  in  utter  defiance  of  all,  then,  recog 
nized  rules  of  naval  warfare.  Had  that  extraor 
dinary  venture  terminated  disastrously,  Far- 
ragut  undoubtedly  would  have  been  summarily 
removed  from  command — to  await  severer  han 
dling.  Farragut's  dash  over  the  fatal  line  of 
torpedoes  in  Mobile  Bay,  two  years  later,  which 
called  forth  that  famous  expression,  "  Damn 
the  torpedoes ! "  was,  in  fact,  a  damning  of 
all  rules  of  propriety  and  professional  cau 
tion. 

It  was  Collingwood  who,  while  leading  the  sec 
ond  line  of  the  British  fleet  at  Trafalgar,  at  a 
moment  when  his  life  was  in  imminent  peril,  ex 
ultantly  exclaimed :  "  What  would  Nelson  give 
to  be  here !  "  while  Nelson,  about  the  same  mo 
ment,  remarked,  "  See  how  that  noble  fellow  Col 
lingwood  carries  his  ship  into  action!"  Each 
[29] 


OUR  UNKNOWN  NAVAL  HEROES 

was  reveling  in  the  opportunity  then  within 
grasp. 

Dewey's  midnight  entry  into  the  harbor  of 
Manila  was  regarded  by  nearly  all  the  Euro 
pean  naval  experts  then  in  the  East  as  rash  and 
imprudent,  while  Commander  Miller's  fiery 
expostulation  against  Sampson's  order,  depriv 
ing  him  of  the  command  of  the  collier  Merrimac 
at  a  moment  when  opportunity  was  within 
reach,  bordered  seriously  on  one  of  the  gravest 
of  military  offenses. 

It  was  to  seize  these  fleeting  chances  of  "  get 
ting  at  the  enemy,"  thereby  winning  distinction, 
that  these  and  scores  of  other  officers  have 
braved  tradition,  spurned  sound  advice  and 
courted  the  severest  penalties  of  the  service. 

In  the  careers  of  Paulding  and  Farragut  we 
have  a  striking  illustration  of  the  fickleness  of 
opportunity.  One  became  famous  throughout 
the  world,  the  other  is  scarcely  known  outside  of 
the  profession  or,  at  least,  beyond  his  native 
shores.  Both  were  promising  midshipmen 
(Paulding  having  the  advantage  of  four 
[30] 


FARRAGUT  AND  PAULDING 

years),  both  distinguished  themselves  in  two  of 
the  most  sanguinary  and  important  naval 
actions  in  1814 — Farragut  on  the  blood-stained 
decks  of  the  Essex,  when  she  made  her  heroic 
defense  against  the  British  naval  force  off  Val 
paraiso,  and  Paulding  in  the  Battle  of  Lake 
Champlain.  Young  as  these  two  lads  were  at 
that  time,  their  conduct  in  battle  could  not  have 
been  surpassed. 

On  the  close  of  the  war  both  officers  settled 
down  to  the  soul-trying  routine  of  naval  life  in 
the  long  years  of  peace  which  followed.  Had 
it  not  been  for  the  opportunity  that  favored 
Farragut  in  the  Civil  War,  it  is  probable  that 
his  name,  also,  would  have  been  quite  as  un 
known  to  the  world  to-day  as  that  of  Paulding. 
Both  officers  served  through  the  struggle  with 
the  Confederacy,  but  opportunity  favored  one 
and  was  unkind  to  the  other — yet  each  had  en 
tered  upon  his  long  professional  career  with 
the  rare  advantage  of  a  "  baptism  of  blood." 

It  is  because  this  class  of  "  unknown  naval 
heroes "  has  had  so  little  recognition  in  the 
[31] 


OUR  UNKNOWN  NAVAL  HEROES 

annals  of  our  country  that  the  writer  feels  jus 
tified  in  giving  the  details  of  the  career  of  Moses 
Brown.  He  was  one  of  the  first  captains  in  the 
United  States  Navy,  and  can  be  taken  as  a  fair 
type  of  our  "  unknown  naval  heroes." 

It  must  not  be  inferred  that  because  these 
"  unknown  heroes  "  did  not  win  great  battles 
or  exploit  themselves  in  some  manner  pleasing 
to  the  popular  taste  that  their  careers  are  devoid 
of  interest.  On  the  contrary,  from  the  very 
nature  of  sea  life,  a  long  professional  career  is 
unusually  rich  in  personal  adventure,  strange 
experiences  in  foreign  parts  and,  not  infre 
quently,  replete  with  episodes  of  historical 
importance. 

It  is  the  province  of  sailors  of  long  profes 
sional  standing  to  narrate  "  true  "  salt-water 
yarns,  expand  on  the  peculiar  situations  in 
which  they  found  themselves  at  times  when 
aboard,  dilate  on  episodes  of  international  bear 
ing  and  what  not — and  it  is  regrettable  that 
so  little  of  this  material  has  been  preserved  for 
future  reference  and  confirmation.  Many  oifi- 
[32] 


EVENTFUL  LIVES  OF  SEAMEN 

cers  of  the  old  school  kept  diaries,  logs,  personal 
reminiscences,  etc.,  in  which  appear  records  of 
national  importance,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  pub 
lished  journals  of  the  two  Trenchards,  Rear- 
Admiral  Philip  and  Moses  Brown. 

Like  most  of  the  intelligent  seamen  of  his 
day,  Moses  Brown  kept  a  diary  covering  the 
leading  events  of  his  stormy  career,  besides 
which  there  are  personal  letters  written  by  him 
in  foreign  ports  and  the  original  log  of  the 
Merrimac,  containing  matter  of  more  than  in 
dividual  interest.  It  is  with  this  material,  to 
gether  with  such  side-lights  as  could  be  obtained 
bearing  on  the  subject,  that  the  writer  has  en 
deavored  to  frame  a  truthful  picture  of  the  life 
and  adventures  of  one  of  our  "  unknown  naval 
heroes  "  of  the  eighteenth  century. 


[33] 


CHAPTER  II 

NEWBURYPORT 

OUAINT,  old-fashioned,  time-honored 
Newburyport,  fondly  embraced  in  a 
loving  arm  of  the  Merrimac  River,  can 
boast,  probably,  of  more  nautical  exploits  in  the 
cause  of  American  independence  than  any  other 
contemporary  seaport  of  the  same  population. 
It  was  off  Newbury^bar  that  one  of  the  first 
"  mortal  blows  "  at  British  supremacy  in  the 
North  American  colonies  was  struck.  On  the 
morning  of  January  15,  1776,  a  daring  party 
from  this  place  captured  a  ship  laden  with 
eighty-six  butts  and  thirty  hogsheads  of  porter, 
sixteen  hogsheads  of  sauerkraut,  and  twenty- 
three  live  hogs — destined  for  the  British  troops 
in  Boston. 

Trivial  as  this  statement  may  appear  to  the 
casual  reader,  it  was  full  of  deadly  portent  to 
[34] 


FIRST  "MORTAL  BLOW" 

the  English  commander-in-chief  in  America. 
He  well  knew  that  "  A  soldier  cannot  fight  on  an 
empty  stomach  " — and  what  was  the  doughty 
British  redcoat  without  his  porter  and  cheese,  or 
the  valiant  Hessian  deprived  of  his  sauerkraut 
and  pigs'  knuckles  ?  It  may  not  be  irrelevant  to 
remark  that  sixty-two  days  after  this  important 
seizure — the  British  evacuated  Boston. 

The  style  in  which  this  capture  was  made  is 
worthy  of  all  the  traditions  of  New  England 
shrewdness.  The  first  prize  brought  into  New- 
buryport  in  the  war  for  independence  was  the 
brig  Sukey,  Captain  Engs,  from  Ireland,  bound 
for  Boston.  She  was  taken  by  the  privateer 
Washington,  and  was  carried  into  Newburyport, 
Monday,  January  15,  1776. 

Scarcely  had  the  Sukey  been  made  secure  when 
another  British  ship  was  espied  off  Newbury  bar. 
As  she  tacked  off  and  on,  showing  English  colors 
— the  wind  being  easterly,  with  every  appear 
ance  of  a  real  old-fashioned  New  England  snow 
storm  coming  on — the  shrewd  people  of  New- 
buryport  concluded  that  she  had  mistaken  Ips- 
[35] 


NEWBURYPORT 

wich  Bay  for  that  of  Boston.  By  putting 
"  two  and  two  together,"  they  decided  that  it 
would  be  a  good  idea  to  visit  her  "  in  a  purely 
sociable  manner." 

On  a  call  for  volunteers,  seventeen  men  re 
sponded  and,  electing  Offin  Boardman  their 
commander,  proceeded  to  sea  in  three  whale- 
boats — taking  care  to  approach  the  stranger  in 
as  inoffensive  a  manner  as  New  England  pru 
dence  might  dictate.  On  coming  to  close  quar 
ters,  the  adventurers  were  satisfied  that  they 
were  right  in  their  conjectures  as  to  the  ship 
being  laden  with  provisions  for  the  British  army 
and  had  mistaken  this  port  for  that  of  the  Hub. 

Without  the  slightest  sign  of  hostility,  the 
boats  moved  within  speaking  distance  and  in 
quired  from  whence  the  ship  hailed  and  whither 
bound.  The  answer  was: 

"  The  Friends,  from  London — bound  to  Bos 
ton.  Where  are  you  from  and  what  land  is 
this?" 

With  true  Down-East  nerve,  Boardman  anj 
swered : 

[36] 


MASSACHUSETTS 
H  BAY 


NEWBUKYPORT 

AND   ITS 
YICIHITY 


NEWBURYPORT 

"  We  are  from  Boston.  Do  you  want  a 
pilot?" 

Being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  Boardman 
told  them  to  heave-to  and  he  would  come  on 
board.  The  British  skipper,  Captain  Archibald 
Bowie,  was  only  too  willing  to  comply,  as  he 
had  a  leeward  shore  and  there  was  every  sign  of 
a  nasty  night  coming  on.  Boardman  guided  his 
boat  alongside  to  the  rope  ladder  which  was 
lowered  for  him  and  passed  up — unarmed. 

Gaining  the  deck,  the  American  shook  hands 
with  Archibald  and  with  that  molasses-like  suav 
ity  which  never  fails  your  true-blue  Yankee  in 
an  emergency — asked  after  his  health,  that  of 
the  crew,  how  the  passage  had  been,  the  news 
from  London  and  all  other  such  pleasantries  a 
pilot,  with  a  six-guinea  fee  in  view,  might  be 
expected  to  indulge  in. 

Intentionally,  Boardman  had  completely  en 
gaged  the  attention  of  the  sturdy  British  mas 
ter  so  that  the  latter  did  not  notice  the  sixteen 
other  "  pilots  " — who  had  hastened  on  board, 
fully  armed,  directly  after  their  leader — until 
[38] 


A  LEADER  IN  PRIVATEERING 

they  had  drawn  themselves  at  "  parade  arms  " 
across  the  deck ;  the  British  crew  being  forward 
and  their  officers  aft. 

Boardman  now  dropped  his  pleasant,  fee- 
seeking  blandishments  and,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  Englishman,  ordered  the  colors  to  be 
struck.  The  worthy  skipper  was  too  dumb 
founded  to  obey  but  told  his  mate  to  perform 
that  unpleasant  task — incidentally  suggesting 
that  he  "  supposed  the  ship  and  her  cargo  now 
belonged  to  her  captors  but,  at  the  same  time, 
he  hoped  that  neither  he  nor  his  crew  would 
receive  any  personal  injury."  Evidently,  the 
Briton's  mind  had  been  perturbed  by  the  wild 
"  Indian,"  "  single  -  eye  "  and  cold  -  blooded 
"  massacre  "  stories  that  were  so  prevalent  in 
England  at  this  time. 

On  taking  possession  of  their  prize,  the 
Americans  found  that  she  carried  four  carriage- 
guns,  a  crew  of  about  fourteen  men  and  was 
laden  with  fifty-two  chaldrons  of  coals,  eighty- 
six  butts  and  thirty  hogsheads  of  porter  (the 
cheese  must  have  been  in  the  Sukey),  twenty 
[39] 


NEWBURYPORT 

hogsheads  of  vinegar,  sixteen  hogsheads  of 
sauerkraut  and  twenty-three  live  hogs.  With 
a  fair  tide  and  wind  the  captors  brought  the 
Friends  to  the  wharf  at  Newburyport  within 
six  hours  from  the  beginning  of  their  ven 
ture. 

But  aside  from  this  distinction  of  having 
struck  the  first  "  mortal  blow  at  British  su 
premacy  in  the  North  American  colonies,"  New 
buryport  has  the  unquestioned  honor  of  having 
sent  out  more  privateers  to  harass  English 
commerce  in  the  Revolution  than  any  other  of 
our  seaports — excepting,  perhaps,  Salem.  Pri 
vateering  in  those  days  had  not  been  raised  to 
the  high  plane  of  "  commerce  destroying  "  of 
the  nineteenth  century  and  it  is  with  some  in 
terest  that  we  note  the  wording  of  the  act  under 
which  these  first  private-armed  cruisers  were 
authorized  to  do  evil  unto  others. 

In  November,  1775,  the  Provisional  Leg 
islature  passed  a  resolution  entitled :  "  An  Act 
for  Encouraging-  the  Fixing  out  of  Armed  Ves 
sels  to  defend  the  Sea  Coast  of  America,"  etc. 
[40] 


MOSES  BROWN'S  ANCESTRY 

This  "  Fixing  out "  resulted  most  disastrously 
for  British  mercantile  interests  and  most  prof 
itably  for  the  solid  merchants  of  Newburyport. 
About  ninety  private-armed  vessels  were  "  fixed 
out  "  from  Newburyport  alone. 

Among  the  most  daring  and  successful  of 
these  privateersmen  was  Moses  Brown — a  typi 
cal  New  England  seaman  of  those  stirring  times, 
a  man  born  for  the  water,  a  man  who  died  on 
and  was  buried  in,  water ;  and  whose  life  has  not 
been  inaptly  described  as  a  "  single,  continuous, 
uninterrupted  voyage." 

He  was  of  English  ancestry,  his  line  being 
traced  back  to  Edward  Browne,  of  Innbarrow, 
Worcestershire,  England,  whose  son  Nicholas 
in  1630  married  in  Lynn,  Mass.  The  first  four 
generations  in  America  had  a  final  "  e  "  to  the 
family  name,  but  the  fifth  and  sixth — Moses 
Brown  being  in  the  sixth — dropped  it.  Moses 
Brown's  father  was  Edward  Brown,  who  had 
been  a  captain  in  the  French  war  and  from 
whom  Moses  inherited  his  fine  military  instincts ; 
and  from  his  mother,  Dorothy  Pike,  he  received 
[41] 


NEWBURYPORT 

those  deep,  quiet,  unassuming  religious  traits 
which  so  strongly  marked  his  character. 

Moses  Brown  was  born  January  23,  1742, 
in  that  part  of  Salisbury,  Mass.,  known  as 
Ring's  Island,  near  the  Old  Ferry  Landing, 
where  the  river  opens  into  the  sea ;  and  possibly 
his  first  "  voyage  "  was  in  the  old  ferryboat. 

Throughout  his  adventurous  life  he  carried 
with  him  the  highest  ideals  of  morality.  One 
of  the  officers  who  served  under  him  in  the 
United  States  sloop-of-war  Merrimac,  Midship 
man  Benjamin  Whitmore,  says:  "Captain 
Brown  was  a  brave  man  and  a  good  disciplina 
rian.  He  exhibited  much  good  feeling  for  the 
crew  under  his  charge  and  was  much  respected 
by  all  his  subordinates."  He  was  exceedingly 
averse  to  the  then  common  punishment  of  flog 
ging  in  the  navy  and  never,  except  when  it  was 
absolutely  unavoidable  from  the  emergency  of 
the  case,  resorted  to  it. 

He  was  equally  remarkable  for  his  efforts  to 
inculcate  temperate  habits  among  his  men ;  and 
the  perfect  neatness  and  order  of  his  ship  were 
[42] 


HIS  FIRST  OF  MANY  VOYAGES 

subject  of  common  remark.  At  one  time,  in  a 
foreign  port,  meeting  another  person  bearing 
his  own  name,  it  became  customary  among  the 
people  to  distinguish  between  them  by  calling 
Moses  Brown,  "  Gentleman  Brown." 

Educational  facilities  being  somewhat  prim 
itive  at  that  period,  Moses  Brown,  following 
the  custom  of  the  day,  was  bound  out  at  the 
age  of  fifteen  years  as  apprentice  to  Captain 
William  Coffin,  of  whom  Moses  always  spoke  in 
terms  of  highest  respect.  According  to  the 
conditions  of  an  apprentice's  indenture  in  those 
days,  all  his  earnings  went  to  the  master. 
Young  Brown  sailed  on  the  first  of  his  many 
voyages  in  October,  1757,  in  the  sloop  Swallow 
for  Halifax,  returning  in  November.  In  the 
following  year,  1758,  he  made  two  voyages, 
one  to  the  West  Indies,  in  the  same  sloop,  re 
turning  in  June,  and  another,  in  the  sloop 
Ranger,  Captain  Joseph  Ingersol,  to  Louis- 
burgh. 

At  that  time  Louisburgh  was  besieged  by 
the  English,  and  Moses  got  his  first  taste  of 
[43] 


NEWBURYPORT 

war.  He  says :  "  I  tarried  there  some  months 
till  its  surrender  to  the  British  army  and  then 
returned  home  in  the  schooner  Neptune,  Cap 
tain  Lufsinson,  in  November." 

That  young  Brown  had  rapidly  risen  in  the 
estimation  of  his  master  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that,  in  the  following  year,  Captain  Coffin  in 
trusted  him  with  the  sale  of  his  schooner,  the 
Sea  Flower,  in  the  West  Indies.  Coffin  sailed 
from  Newburyport  in  February,  1759,  for  St. 
Kitts,  where  the  Sea  Flower  was  sold,  Brown 
taking  her  to  St.  Eustatius,  discharging  her 
cargo  and,  after  delivering  her  up  to  her  new 
owners,  taking  passage  to  St.  Kitts  (St.  Chris 
topher)  and  from  thence  in  the  schooner  Nep 
tune,  Captain  Staples,  to  Newburyport,  where 
he  arrived  in  May. 

That  Brown's  career  may  well  be  termed 
"  But  a  single,  continuous,  uninterrupted  voy 
age  "  is  emphasized  by  the  fact  that  he  made 
three  more  voyages  before  the  close  of  this  year, 
all  of  them  to  Halifax,  returning  to  his  home  in 
Newburyport  January  1,  1760. 
[44] 


WHAT  APPRENTICESHIP  MEANT 
Early  in  1760,  having  been  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  mate,  he  sailed  in  the  Sea  Nymph  for 
St.  Kitts,  where  the  vessel  was  sold.  Going  to 
Nevis,  he  records  that  "  We  bought  a  sloop  in 
which  I  came  home  to  Newburyport  with  Cap 
tain  Nathaniel  Green.  In  July  I  sailed  in  the 
sloop  Ranger  for  Boston  and  Louisburgh,  and 
returned  in  twenty  days  ;  repeated  the  same  trip 
in  August.  October  12th,  1  shipped  aboard  a 
schooner  under  Captain  Edward  Williams  as 
mate  for  Quebec,  which  voyage  was  completed 
in  seven  weeks  and  returned  to  Newburyport." 
To  those  young  men  of  the  twentieth  cen 
tury  who  think  their  lot,  in  starting  in  busi 
ness,  is  a  hard  one,  it  will  be  a  consolation  (per 
haps)  to  read  the  following  INDENTURE  by 
which  many  of  their  forefathers  were  bound  out 
in  servitude.  We  have  not  the  original  instru 
ment  with  which  Moses  Brown  was  apprenticed 
but  we  have  a  copy  of  the  regular  formula  used 
in  those  days,  in  this  style  of  legal  procedure 
and  it,  undoubtedly,  covers  the  salient  features 
of  Moses  Brown's  apprenticeship.  The  orig- 
[45] 


THf 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


NEWBURYPORT 

inal  is  in  the  possession  of  Charles  Wellesley 
Allen,  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.5  to  whom  the  writer 
is  indebted  for  the  following  copy: 


,  WITNESSETH,  That  John 
Goedersoon,  now  aged  fourteen  years,  eight  months  and 
twenty-seven  days,  by  and  with  the  consent  of  his  step 
father,  John  Wright,  and  his  mother,  Mary  Wright,  hath 
put  himself  and,  by  these  presents,  doth  voluntarily  and 
of  his  own  free  will  and  accord,  put  himself  Apprentice 
to  Frederick  Seely  of  the  City  of  New  York,  Cord- 
wainer  [old-fashioned  name  for  shoemaker],  and  after 
the  manner  of  an  Apprentice  to  serve  from  the  day  of 
the  date  hereof  for  and  during,  and  until  the  full  end 
and  term  of  six  years,  three  months  and  three  days  next 
ensuing;  during  all  which  time  the  said  Apprentice  his 
master  faithfully  shall  serve,  his  secrets  keep,  his  com 
mands  everywhere  readily  obey. 

He  shall  do  no  damage  to  his  said  Master  nor  see 
it  done  by  others,  without  letting  or  giving  notice  thereof 
to  his  said  Master.  He  shall  not  waste  his  said  Master's 
goods  nor  lend  unlawfully  to  any.  He  shall  not  con 
tract  matrimony  within  the  said  term;  at  Cards,  Dice  or 
any  unlawful  game  he  shall  not  play,  whereby  his  Master 
may  have  damages.  With  his  own  goods  nor  the  goods 
of  others,  without  license  from  his  said  Master  .... 
He  shall  neither  buy  nor  sell.  He  shall  not  absent  him 
self,  day  nor  night,  from  his  said  master's  service  with 
out  leave  nor  haunt  ale-houses,  taverns  or  play-houses; 
but  in  all  things  behave  as  a  faithful  Apprentice  ought 
to  do,  during  the  said  term. 

[46] 


BOUND  OUT  IN  SERVITUDE 

And  the  said  Master  shall  use  the  utmost  of  his 
endeavors  to  teach,  or  cause  to  be  taught  or  instructed, 
the  said  Apprentice  in  the  trade,  or  mystery,  of  a  Cord- 
wainer  [shoemaker]  and  procure  and  provide  for  him 
sufficient  meat,  drink,  washing,  lodging  and  clothing 
fit  for  an  apprentice,  during  the  said  term  of  service 
and  four  quarters  of  night  schooling  during  the  said 
term. 

And  for  the  true  performance  of  all  and  singular 
the  Covenants  and  Agreements  aforesaid,  the  said  parties 
bind  themselves  each  unto  the  other  firmly  by  these 
presents.  IN  WITNESS  WHEREOF  the  said  parties 
have  interchangeably  set  their  hands  and  seals  hereunto. 
Dated  the  sixth  day  of  August,  in  the  thirty-fifth  year  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  and 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  eighteen  hundred  and  eleven. 

Sealed  and  delivered  in 

the  presence  of 

L.  COWDREY 

FREDERICK    SEELY 
JOHN  GOEDERSOON 
MARIA  WRIGHT 
JAHAN  WRIGHT. 


[47] 


CHAPTER  III 

HIS   FIRST   SEA   FIGHT 

IT  was  in  the  year  1761,  when  he  was  in 
his  nineteenth  year,  that  Moses  Brown  ex 
perienced  the  first  of  his  many  sea  fights. 
He  records  that  he  "  Passed  a  very  agreeable 
winter  (1760-1761)  at  home,  taking  care  of 
and  rigging  the  schooner  Phoebe,  in  which  I 
sailed  in  March,  1761,  with  Captain  James 
Robinson  in  His  Majesty's  service  for  Halifax." 
England,  at  this  time,  was  assembling  a  fleet 
with  which  to  attack  French  possessions  in  the 
West  Indies  and  it  was  to  this  expedition  that 
Brown  now  found  himself  attached. 

The  account  of  his  adventures — which  so 
nearly  resulted  in  his  death — is  given  as  follows : 
"  The  fleet  having  sailed  for  New  York,  was 
immediately  watered  by  the  king's  ships  lying 
there  and  was  ordered  to  follow  them,  which 
[48] 


BATTLE  WITH  FRENCH  PRIVATEERS 

we  did.  On  our  arrival  at  New  York  we  found 
the  fleet  lying  in  the  Narrows.  We  went  to  the 
city,  took  in  our  wood  and  provisions  and  re 
turned  to  the  fleet ;  taking  on  board  a  company 
of  Highlanders  belonging  to  Eraser's  regiment 
and  sailed  on  the  third  of  April  for  the  West 
Indies." 

Soon  after  leaving  port  the  great  fleet  was 
overtaken  by  a  violent  gale,  in  which  the  little 
Phoebe  became  separated  and  continued  on  her 
passage  alone.  While  in  this  precarious  con 
dition  she  fell  in  with  two  French  privateers 
and,  notwithstanding  the  odds  against  her, 
Captain  Robinson  began  an  action.  Unfor 
tunately,  Brown  does  not  give  us  the  details 
of  this  fight  further  than  to  say  that  "  Captain 
Robinson,  our  lieutenant  and  myself  were 
wounded,  besides  several  others ;  and  seven  of 
the  crew  were  killed."  Brown's  injury  was 
caused  by  a  musket  shot  in  his  arm  above  the 
elbow. 

Evidently  the  Phoebe  managed  to  beat  off 
her  antagonists,  for  Brown  records :  "  Two  days 
[49] 


HIS  FIRST  SEA  FIGHT 

after  we  arrived  at  Guadeloupe  I  went  into 
the  hospital  and  remained  there  two  months." 
Guadeloupe  was  captured  from  the  French, 
April  27,  1759,  by  the  English,  and  it  remained 
a  British  possession  until  1763.  Meantime,  the 
great  fleet  had  captured  Dominica  and  arrived 
at  Pointe  Petre  "  where,  in  September,  I  got  on 
board  again,  my  wound  being  healed,"  and  soon 
returned  home. 

But  Brown  was  not  permitted  to  remain  idle 
for  he  had  not  been  in  Newburyport  more  than 
a  few  days  when,  in  October,  he  sailed  for  An 
tigua,  "  where  we  spent  some  time  and  then 
took  troops  for  the  capture  of  Martinique  and 
were  ordered  to  Barbadoes  to  join  the  fleet." 
But  in  beating  against  the  wind,  in  her  en 
deavor  to  carry  out  this  order,  the  Phoebe 
sprung  her  mainmast  and,  on  being  towed  into 
Basseterre,  St.  Kitts,  was  discharged  from 
Government  service  as  unfit  for  duty. 

After  lying  idle  at  this  place  some  time,  the 
PTioebe,  in  December,  went  to  St.  Eustatius 
and  on  the  third  of  February,  1762,  sailed  for 
[50] 


SCENE  OF  SOME  OF 

MOSES  BROWN'S 
EARJL-Y      VOYAGES 


HIS  FIRST  SEA  FIGHT 

home.  But  ill  luck  still  clung  to  the  unfortu 
nate  Phoebe,  for  Brown  writes :  "  After  beating 
on  the  coast  [of  New  England]  for  some  time 
and  provisions  being  scant,  we  put  off  and  ar 
rived  in  St.  Kitts  in  April  [nearly  two  months 
after  leaving  St.  Eustatius  for  their  homeward 
passage]  where  we  careened  and  refitted  the 
vessel  and  took  a  freight  of  rum  for  Ports 
mouth.  Sailed  on  the  6th  of  June  and  in  the 
same  month  arrived  in  Newburyport  after  a 
tedious  voyage  of  sixteen  months." 

The  "  tedious  voyage  of  sixteen  months," 
however,  did  not  prevent  Brown  from  again 
getting  on  his  favorite  element  for,  in  the  same 
month  of  his  return  home,  June,  he  again  sailed 
in  the  Phoebe  with  Captain  Lowell  for  Antigua 
where  the  cargo  was  sold  and  she  proceeded  to 
St.  Martin.  At  this  place  they  loaded  with 
salt  and  sailed  for  home,  arriving  at  Newbury 
port  in  December. 

It  was  in  June,  1763,  that  Moses  Brown 
completed  his  apprenticeship  but  there  being 
"  little  business  during  the  winter  I  tarried  at 
[52] 


SMUGGLING 

home."  In  April,  however,  he  shipped  with  his 
old  master,  Captain  Coffin,  in  the  Phoebe. 
"  Went  eastward  and  loaded  for  the  West 
Indies,  and  returned  home  from  Guadeloupe  in 
December." 

About  this  time  (1764)  British  revenue  cut 
ters  were  unusually  vigilant — and,  in  many 
cases,  were  unnecessarily  harsh — in  checking  a 
smuggling  trade  that  had  sprung  up  along 
the  coast.  Believing  that  the  taxes  imposed 
upon  them  by  the  mother  country  were  unjust, 
the  spirited  colonists  saw  no  wrong  in  running 
in  their  cargoes,  whenever  they  could,  without 
paying  the  duty.  Brown,  like  most  of  his  pro 
fession,  felt  no  scruple  in  evading  these  taxes 
for  he  records :  "  In  March,  1764,  sailed  again 
in  the  Phoebe  for  Guadeloupe  and  arrived  in 
Newburyport  in  July.  Smuggled  our  cargo 
and  went  to  the  eastward  for  a  load  of  wood 
and  returned  again  in  August." 

One  of  Moses  Brown's  characteristics  was  his 
fondness  for  children.  It  is  said  of  him  that 
frequently  he  would  go  with  them  in  their  ex- 
[53] 


HIS  FIRST  SEA  FIGHT 

cursions  on  water ;  and  at  his  Thanksgiving  fes 
tival  would  have  a  lot  of  them  at  his  table  in 
preference  to  any  other  company. 

This  trait  is  clearly  brought  out  in  a  letter 
Brown  wrote  while  in  command  of  the  United 
States  sloop-of-war  Merrimac  in  our  naval  war 
with  France.  It  was  written  to  the  wife  of  his 
son  William,  the  spelling  and  punctuation 
being  as  near  the  original  as  possible: 


Merrimack  at  sea.  febuary  ye 1799 

My  dear  Child  this  will  serve  to  inform  you  I  am 
well  hope  this  will  find  you  and  all  our  family  conections 
the  Same  my  crew  in  generall  are  healthy.  I  have  come 
from  Martin  (i)  co  through  the  islands  to  St.  Thomases 
with  a  convoy  of  fifty  Sail  some  of  which  I  left  at  St. 
cruz  and  St.  Thomases  which  last  place  I  left  with  forty- 
two  sail  bound  to  diffnt  parts  of  America you  may 

think  there  is  an  honnor  in  this  business  but  there  is 

more  Trouble  to  keep  them  together on  leaving  my 

convoy  I  shall  Return  to  my  Station  to  windward  as  my 
Ship  Sails  fast —  I  donte  expect  much  Idle  bread  I 
have  been  but  four  days  at  a  time  in  port  since  my 
Arival  at  ye  Rendzvous —  my  kind  Regards  to  all 
fri(e)nds  and  am  yr  Affec  father 

M.  BROWN 

My  blessing  on  yr  little  pratlers 

tell  them  Granpah  hante  forgot  them. 

[54] 


NEARLY  BURIED  ALIVE 

Moses  had  now  entered  upon  his  twenty-third 
year  and,  having  accumulated  a  moderate  sum 
of  money,  he  married  Sarah  Coffin  of  Newbury- 
port,  September  6,  1764*.  After  a  honeymoon 
of  one  week  he  sailed  in  the  sloop  Merri/mac, 
Captain  William  Friend,  for  Antigua.  The 
round  voyage  was  completed  in  eight  weeks 
and  returning  to  Newburyport  he  spent  the 
winter  with  his  wife  and  friends.  In  April, 

1765,  he  sailed  for  Martinique,   again  under 
Captain  Friend,  and  returned  to  Newburyport 
in  September.     It  was  in  the  following  voyage? 
begun  in  December,  that  Moses  Brown  came  as 
near  entering  Davy  Jones'  locker  as  any  man 
ever  did — and  return  alive. 

On  his  passage  home  from  Martinique,  April, 

1766,  he  was  taken  with  the  smallpox.     The 
disease  made  such  rapid  progress  that  when  he 
was  several  days  from  home  the  patient  was 
pronounced  dead.     His  body  was  sewed       can 
vas,  heavy  shot  were  attached  to  his  feet  so  as 
to  insure  sinking  and  the  body  was  placed  on 
a  board  which  protruded  out  of  a  gun  port 

[55] 


HIS  FIRST  SEA  FIGHT 

ready  to  slide  its  freight  into  the  sea.  A  crude 
burial  service  was  read  over  the  remains  and  the 
word  had  been  given  to  uplift  the  inboard  end 
of  the  plank  when  Captain  Friend  thought  he 
detected  signs  of  life  through  the  coarse  cover 
ing.  He  shouted  out: 

"  Belay  there,  my  lads !  That  man  is  not 
dead!" 

Hastily  cutting  open  the  canvas  they  were 
soon  convinced  that  Brown  was  not  dead  and, 
taking  him  to  his  berth,  they  nursed  him  back 
to  health. 

Nothing  daunted  by  this  "  close  call,"  Moses 
continued  his  voyages  to  various  parts  of  the 
West  Indies,  with  an  occasional  run  up  to  Hali 
fax  for  coal.  Early  in  1768  he  had  a  decidedly 
unpleasant  experience  in  his  ill-starred  craft 
— the  Phoebe.  He  had  loaded  with  fish  and 
had  sailed  for  the  West  Indies,  February,  1768, 
and  when  some  days  out  his  vessel  sprang  aleak, 
so  that  he  was  obliged  to  cut  open  his  hogs 
heads  and  throw  the  fish  into  the  sea;  there 
being  six  feet  of  water  in  the  hold.  With  diffi- 
[56] 


FOUNDERING  AT  SEA 

culty  he  managed  to  reach  Nevis  and  returned 
to  Newburyport  with  a  whole  skin. 

From  this  time  on,  until  the  beginning  of 
hostilities  with  the  mother  country,  his  venture 
some  voyages  were  made  with  varying  success^ 
mostly  to  the  West  Indies.  Under  date  of 
January,  1772,  he  notes :  "  Sailed  again  for 
Port  au  Prince.  On  the  passage  I  lost  my 
bowsprit  and  eleven  horses.  Arrived  at  Port 
au  Prince  and  found  the  port  closed  against 
the  English.  Entered  in  distress  and  after  the 
usual  ceremonies  got  permission  to  sell  my 
cargo,  which  I  did  and  took  in  a  cargo  of 
molasses  and  returned  home. 

"  My  owner's  son  choosing  to  go  in  the  vessel, 
I  quit  and  tarried  at  home  three  months.  In 
September  I  sailed  in  the  brig  Martha  for  the 
West  Indies  and  returned  in  December.  Got 
ready  for  sea  again  but  was  taken  sick  with 
measles — the  brig  went  and  left  me." 

It  was  in  September,  1773,  that  Moses  Brown 
sailed  on  a  voyage  that — like  many  others — 
came  near  being  his  last.     While  on  the  pas- 
[57] 


HIS  FIRST  SEA  FIGHT 

sage  from  St.  Eustatius  his  craft  sprang  aleak 
and  took  in  such  large  quantities  of  water  that 
in  half  an  hour  she  sank.  Captain  Brown  had 
scarcely  time  in  which  to  lower  a  boat  and  save 
himself  and  men.  For  seven  days  the  frail  shell 
was  tossed  about  on  the  vast  expanse  of  the 
Atlantic ;  the  men  having  left  the  ship  so  hastily 
that  they  did  not  get  an  adequate  supply  of 
provisions.  When  reduced  almost  to  the  last 
extremity  they  were  picked  up  by  the  schooner 
Polly,  Captain  Andrew  May,  from  Philadel 
phia.  The  castaways  were  landed  at  St.  Cruz 
from  which  place  Brown  took  passage  in  a 
sloop  for  Rhode  Island,  arriving  at  Martha's 
Vineyard  in  December.  From  this  place  he 
proceeded  in  the  brig  Marigold,  Captain  Jona 
than  Parsons,  on  the  passage  to  Newburyport 
"  but,  being  cast  away  on  Saquash  Beach,  I 
took  my  land  tacks  and  arrived  at  home  Janu 
ary  2,  1774,  after  an  absence  of  fifteen 
months." 


[58] 


CHAPTER  IV 


FROM  the  foregoing  sketch  of  the  early 
career  of  Moses  Brown  it  will  be  seen 
that  his  preparation  for  the  high  and 
responsible  duties  of  commander  in  a  war-ship 
had  been  thorough  and  practical — if  not  aca 
demic. 

At  the  time  hostilities  broke  out  between  the 
American  colonies  and  the  mother  country 
Moses  Brown  found  himself  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Atlantic,  and  in  a  peculiarly  dangerous 
position.  The  style  in  which  he  extricated  him 
self  from  impending  danger  is  worthy  of  the 
best  traditions  of  John  Paul  Jones  and  Gus- 
tavus  Conyingham — his  contemporaries. 

In  order  to   appreciate   fully   the   situation 
we  must  go  back  a  year  or  so  to  November  18, 
1774,  when  he  sailed  for  various  ports  in  the 
[59] 


IN  THE  LION'S  DEN 

West  Indies.  On  this  venture  he  disposed  of 
his  cargo  with  very  poor  success.  He  had  now 
visited  nearly  every  sea  mart  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic  and  determined  to  try  his  luck — and 
at  the  same  time  gratify  a  natural  desire  to  see 
more  of  the  world — on  the  other  side  of  the 
ocean.  Accordingly  he  sailed  for  North  Caro 
lina,  loaded  with  pipe-staves  (staves  for  a  wine 
barrel  usually  containing  two  casks),  made  his 
way  to  Cadiz,  where  he  sold  his  cargo,  and  took 
on  a  freight  of  flour.  From  that  port  he  went 
to  "  Matro,  where  I  landed  the  flour  and  took 
ballast  and  returned  to  Cadiz." 

Not  finding  a  second  freight  at  this  place  he 
purchased  a  load  of  salt  and  went  to  Falmouth, 
England,  arriving  there  October,  1775 ;  six 
months  after  the  action  at  Lexington  and  four 
months  after  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  For 
tunate  it  was  for  Moses  that  news  traveled 
slowly  in  those  days.  Disposing  of  his  cargo 
at  this  place  he  chartered  his  vessel  to  some 
British  merchants  to  load  with  pilchards  (a 
fish  slightly  larger  than  the  herring)  for  Venice. 
[60] 


SCENE,   OT 
MOSES  BROTSN'3 
ADVENTURES 
IN  THE  OLD  WORLD 


IN  THE  LION'S  DEN 

Sailing  from  Falmouth,  November  18th,  Brown 
arrived  at  Venice  in  January,  1776,  where  he 
delivered  his  cargo  and  "  spent  ten  weeks  in 
seeing  the  shows  of  the  city,  it  being  carnival 
time  and  no  business  done." 

While  Brown  was  thus  innocently  enjoying 
some  of  the  pleasures  of  life,  Parliament  en 
acted  that  all  American  property  found  on  the 
high  seas  should  be  seized  and  condemned  for 
the  benefit  of  the  British  exchequer.  Appa 
rently,  this  was  the  first  intimation  Captain 
Brown  had  had  of  the  seriousness  of  the  rupture 
between  the  American  colonies  and  the  mother 
country.  He  had  visited  Falmouth  and  Venice 
without  attempting  to  conceal  his  identity  and 
now  he  was  suddenly  aroused  from  his  dream 
of  pleasure  to  find  the  hungry,  wolfish 
eyes  of  rival  carriers  fixed  upon  his  cozy 
brig. 

As  must  have  been  apparent  to  the  intelli 
gent  reader  of  the  preceding  pages,  Moses 
Brown  was  not  an  ordinary  man.  He  pos 
sessed,  to  a  large  degree,  Yankee  "  resourceful- 
[62] 


LEAPING  OUT  OF  A  TRAP 

ness  " ;  added  to  which  was  a  share  of  audacity 
which  enabled  him  to  leap  out  of  the  trap  in 
which  he  so  suddenly  found  himself.  It  was 
not  his  nature  to  dodge  peril.  Ordinarily  we 
might  have  expected  that  he  would  have  wiggled 
his  craft  out  of  the  harbor  of  Venice  under 
cover  of  night  or  by  some  other  subterfuge  and 
then  have  taken  his  chances  of  making  his  way 
safely  to  some  American  port. 

This,  however,  was  not  after  the  style  of 
Moses  Brown.  He  boldly  faced  the  peril  and 
took  the  bull  by  the  horns.  Making  a  sham 
sale  of  his  vessel  he  chartered  her  to  load  with 
currants  at  Zante  and  Cephalonia  for  London ; 
actually  arriving  at  the  last  port  in  July,  1776 
—four  months  after  the  British  had  been  driven 
out  of  Boston  and  a  month  after  the  Americans 
had  repulsed  Sir  Peter  Parker's  fleet  with  such 
disastrous  losses  to  the  enemy  at  Charleston, 

S.  C.! 

Captain  Brown,  of  course,  learned  of  these 
momentous   events   while   his   tight  little   New 
England    craft    was    snugly    moored    in    the 
[63] 


IN  THE  LION'S  DEN 

Thames  but,  so  far  was  he  from  being  per 
turbed  or  alarmed,  he  records :  "  After  deliver 
ing  my  freight  I  sold  my  brig  for  eight  hundred 
pounds  and  spent  two  months  in  seeing  the 
fashions  of  London  " ! 

Having  enjoyed  his  good  English  money  to 
the  extent  of  his  desire,  Brown  took  passage  in 
the  brig  Norton  for  St.  Eustatius  from  which 
place  he  proceeded  to  Philadelphia  in  a  pilot 
boat  commanded  by  George  May — brother  to 
Andrew  May,  who  had  rescued  Brown  and  his 
crew  from  a  watery  grave  when  his  ill-fated 
craft  foundered  at  sea  three  years  before. 
Captain  Brown  now  learned,  for  the  first  time, 
that  his  kind  rescuer,  Andrew  May,  had  ven 
tured  on  another  voyage  and  had  not  since  been 
heard  from. 

After  a  brief  stay  in  Philadelphia  Brown 
purchased  a  horse  and  sulky  and  set  out  on  a 
"  land  cruise,"  bound  for  New  York.  This 
short  run  of  only  ninety  miles  proved  to  be  one 
of  the  most  exciting  and  perilous  voyages  the 
weather-beaten  mariner  had  yet  made.  He  had 
[64] 


A  "  PERILOUS  "  LAND  VOYAGE 

traveled  thousands  and  thousands  of  miles  over 
the  sea  but  never  before  had  made  formal  com 
plaint  about  "  roads  being  bad,"  though  we 
know  that  at  times  he  found  the  waves 
exceeding  rough,  not  to  say  "  topsy 
turvy." 

But  it  is  ever  different  with  an  old  salt  when 
on  land.  Then  your  true-blooded  sailor  "  lets 
himself  loose."  He  feels  that  he  has  a  right 
to  find  all  the  fault  he  desires  and  on  this  occa 
sion  Moses  exercised  his  privilege  to  the  fullest 
limit.  He  could  steer  his  ship  over  mountain- 
like  waves,  in  the  heaviest  gales,  on  the  darkest 
night,  with  unerring  accuracy  and  with  un 
ruffled  temper.  But  with  this  kind  of  a  land 
craft — a  mere  horse  and  sulky — he  had  no  end 
of  fault  to  find.  "  The  roads,"  he  declared, 
"  were  very  bad."  When  Brown  put  his  helm 
hard  to  port  the  obstinate  nag  persisted  in 
taking  the  wrong  direction.  When  Brown 
crowded  on  all  sail  for  a  quick  run  over  a  clear 
waste  of  land,  the  animal  would  gather  stern- 
board.  When  the  exasperated  sailor  trimmed 
[65] 


IN  THE  LION'S  DEN 

his  yards  to  catch  a  spanking  breeze,  ten  points 
off  the  quarter,  the  beast  would  go  off  on  the 
opposite  leg. 

Brown  does  not  say  so  in  his  diary  but  we 
can  easily  infer  that  the  doughty  sea-captain 
lost  his  temper  with  such  unseaman-like  tactics. 
The  result  was  that  the  horse  took  matters  in 
his  own  hoofs,  kicked  in  the  dashboard,  cap 
sized  the  sulky  and  threw  Moses  out  with  such 
force  as  to  dislocate  his  right  shoulder.  Brown 
fails  to  record  how  he  eventually  reached  home 
but  he  does  say  that  this  "  land  passage  "  from 
Philadelphia  to  Newburyport  took  seventeen 
days,  he  rejoining  his  family,  December  21, 
1776,  in  good  time  for  Christmas,  having 
been  absent  two  years,  one  month  and  three 
days. 

As  Mr.  Samuel  Swett,  in  his  sketch  of 
Brown's  life,  observed,  after  noting  his  mishap 
with  the  nag :  "  And  no  doubt  Captain  Brown 
arrived  at  the  same  conclusion  that  an  hon 
est  seaman  did,  who  happened  to  be  caught 
on  shore  at  Edinburgh  in  a  gale ;  and  when  the 
[66] 


A  SAILOR'S  SOLILOQUY 

tiles  from  the  lofty  roofs  were  rattling  about 
his  head,  exclaimed,  'What  a  fool  a  man  is 
to  stay  on  shore  in  a  storm,  when  he  might  go 
to  sea  and  be  safe.'  " 


[67] 


CHAPTER  V 

FIRST    COMMAND    OF    A    WAR-SHIP 

A  the  beginning  of  our  struggle  for  inde 
pendence  the  New  England  colonies  were 
especially  active  in  fitting  out  armed 
craft  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  preying  on 
British  commerce.  Continental  Congress  at 
Philadelphia,  early  in  the  war,  authorized  the 
capture  of  English  vessels  and  property  wher 
ever  found  on  the  high  seas.  Colonial  legis 
latures,  on  their  own  responsibility,  took  steps 
in  the  same  direction  while  Washington  him 
self,  in  his  capacity  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  American  Army,  issued  commissions  for 
several  armed  vessels,  owned  by  Massachusetts, 
with  a  view  to  intercepting  military  supplies  for 
the  British  at  Boston  and  Quebec. 

So  successful  were  some  of  these  ventures, 
in  the  first  eighteen  months  of  the  war,  that 
[68] 


FORMIDABLE  PRIVATEERS 

nearly  a  regiment  of  British  soldiers  was  cap 
tured  on  the  high  seas  and  a  large  quantity 
of  war-like  stores  were  diverted  from  their  orig 
inal  destination  to  the  use  of  the  rebelling 
colonists. 

At  first  the  Americans  sent  out  only  small 
craft — any  merchantman  that  could  be  hastily 
armed  and  fitted  to  attack  the  enemy.  But  as 
the  war  progressed  a  number  of  private  ves 
sels,  especially  adapted  for  the  purpose,  mount 
ing  from  twenty  to  thirty  guns  and  manned  by 
crews  numbering  from  one  hundred  to  two  hun 
dred  men — veritable  corvets — were  built  and 
commissioned.  In  some  instances  these  power 
ful  ships  made  successful  attacks  on  the  regular 
cruisers  of  the  royal  navy. 

A  number  of  these  war-ships  were  named 
after  the  leading  American  generals,  such  as 
the  General  Arnold,  General  Hancock,  General 
Mercer,  General  Mifftin,  General  Montgomery, 
General  Pickering,  General  Putnam  and  Gen 
eral  Washington.  The  General  Arnold  be 
longed  to  Newburyport,  from  which  place  she 
[69] 


FIRST  COMMAND  OP  A  WAR-SHIP 

was  commissioned  in  1778.  Captain  Brown's 
connection  with  her  in  her  eventful  career  is 
modestly  described  by  the  hero  in  his  diary. 

As  we  have  seen,  Brown  arrived  at  Newbury- 
port  after  his  tempestuous  "  land  passage  of 
seventeen  days  "  from  Philadelphia,  December 
21,  1776.  "  Finding  our  country  all  in  arms, 
I  tarried  at  home  till  April,  1777,  when  I  took 
command  of  the  brig  Hannah  and  sailed  for 
the  West  Indies.  But  in  forty-eight  hours  we 
were  captured  by  the  British  32-gun  frigate 
Diamond  and,  of  course,  I  passed  some  time 
aboard  a  prison  ship  at  Rhode  Island." 

How  he  got  out  of  this  confinement  Brown 
does  not  state  but  it  is  inferential  that  it  was 
by  an  exchange  of  prisoners  for  he  says :  "  In 
July  I  returned  home.  In  August  I  took  com 
mand  of  the  ship  General  Arnold,  then  at  Ports 
mouth,  N.  H.,  for  a  voyage  to  Bordeaux." 
The  General  Arnold  belonged  to  Nathaniel 
Tracy  of  Newburyport. 

Captain  Brown's  first  experiences  with  this 
private-armed  cruiser  were  even  more  discourag- 
[70] 


AN  INDUCEMENT  TO  MUTINY 
ing  than  those  he  had  faced  in  his  brief  career 
in  the  Hannah.  His  troubles  began  even  be 
fore  he  sailed  for  he  says :  "  Being  ready  for 
sea  in  November,  I  discovered  that  there  was  a 
conspiracy  among  my  crew  to  murder  me  and 
all  my  officers  and  to  take  the  ship  to  Halifax." 
Doubtless,  there  were  British  seamen  in  the 
General  Arnold's  complement  who,  with  some  of 
the  unconscionable  adventurers  who  were  fre 
quently  found  in  almost  every  ship's  company 
in  those  unsettled  times,  had  conceived  the  idea 
of  capturing  the  ship  as  soon  as  she  cleared 
port  and  of  turning  her  over  to  the  enemy. 

This  seems  the  more  plausible  when  we  re 
member  that  British  naval  authorities  on  the 
North  American  station  at  that  time  held  out 
special  inducements  for  British  sailors — and, 
in  fact,  to  anyone  who  would  perform  the 
treachery — to  rise  on  officers  in  American  ships 
and  seize  the  craft — a  substantial  reward  being 
offered  if  they  carried  the  prize  into  a  British 
harbor  or  turned  it  over  to  an  English  naval 
force  at  sea. 

[71] 


FIRST  COMMAND  OF  A  WAR-SHIP 

Fortunately,  Captain  Brown  detected  the 
plot  before  it  could  be  carried  into  execution 
and,  throwing  the  ringleaders  into  prison,  he 
sailed  the  General  Arnold  to  Newburyport 
where  he  unloaded  her,  took  off  her  upper  deck 
and,  placing  eighteen  6-pounders  aboard,  fitted 
her  out  for  a  general  privateering  cruise. 
These  extensive  alterations  occupied  the  winter 
of  1777-1778,  so  that  it  was  not  until  in  the 
following  summer  that  she  got  to  sea. 

Of  course,  the  first  thing  a  prudent  com 
mander  in  a  new  war-ship  would  do  was  to 
make  sure  that  his  armament  was  in  good  con 
dition.  The  eighteen  6-pounders  Captain 
Brown  had  placed  aboard  had  never  been  tested, 
so  far  as  he  knew,  and  with  a  view  to  trying 
them  he  ordered — soon  after  leaving  port — 
the  battery  to  be  manned.  The  first  gun  that 
was  fired  burst,  killing  or  wounding  all  of  the 
officers. 

It  is  in  this  disastrous  incident  that  we  have 
an  illustration  of  the  affection  Captain  Brown 
always  managed  to  inspire  in  his  worthy  men 
[72] 


"  I'LL  DIE  DIRECTLY,  SIR  " 

for  himself.  The  episode  is  supplied  by  a  man 
who  was  in  the  privateer  at  the  time.  One  of 
the  persons  injured  was  an  Irishman  and,  be 
lieving  that  his  injury  was  fatal,  he  called  for 
Captain  Brown  saying  that  he  wished  to  speak 
with  him.  The  Captain  went  below  to  see  what 
his  request  might  be  when  the  man  said  that  he 
knew  he  was  going  to  die  and  begged  that  he 
might  not  be  "  thrown  overboard  like  a  dog  " 
but  might  have  prayers  read  over  him.  Cap 
tain  Brown,  after  failing  to  inspire  him  with 
hope  of  recovery,  assented  to  his  request  say 
ing: 

"  Very  well,  Pat.  I  will  tell  Mr.  Blank  to 
read  prayers  for  you." 

It  seems  that  this  "  Mr.  Blank "  was  not 
popular  with  some  of  the  crew  and  had  es 
pecially  aroused  the  ire  of  this  Irishman.  When 
Pat  heard  that  this  same  "  Mr.  Blank  "  was 
to  perform  the  last  rites  over  him,  he  half  rose 
from  his  bunk  and  remarked: 

"  No,  faith,  no !     Then  I  shall  not  die ;  Mr. 
Blank  shall  never  read  prayers  over  me ! " 
[73] 


FIRST  COMMAND  OP  A  WAR-SHIP 

Realizing  that  the  man  was  in  earnest  in  the 
matter,  Captain  Brown  promised  that  he  would 
read  the  prayers  himself.  With  a  gleam  of 
satisfaction  stealing  over  his  honest  features, 
Pat  sank  back  on  his  rude  couch  and  said: 

"God  bless  ye,  Captain.  Then  I'll  die 
directly." 

After  such  a  disastrous  experience  with  the 
battery  on  the  first  trial,  there  was  nothing  to 
do  but  to  return  to  Newburyport  and  test  the 
remaining  guns  under  conditions  where  an  ex 
plosion  would  harm  neither  the  ship  nor  her 
people.  This,  accordingly,  was  done  and,  land 
ing  his  armament,  Captain  Brown  "  proved  " 
them  with  the  result  that  four  more  burst.  The 
remaining  guns  were  then  discarded  and,  secur 
ing  new  ones,  Captain  Brown,  in  August,  again 
put  to  sea.  After  scouring  the  ocean  for  three 
months,  in  places  where  he  was  most  likely  to 
fall  in  with  British  merchantmen,  he  returned 
to  Newburyport  in  November,  1778,  having 
made  only  one  prize,  a  brig;  and  that  was  re 
taken  by  the  enemy  before  it  could  reach  port. 
[74] 


CHAPTER  VI 


AONG  the  papers  left  by  Captain  Moses 
Brown  is  an  account  of  an  action 
fought  between  the  United  States  pri 
vateer  General  Arnold  and  a  British  armed  ship 
which  seems  to  have  been  entirely  overlooked  in 
our  historical  literature  and  official  records. 
After  exhaustive  researches  the  writer  has  been 
able  to  gather  sufficient  corroborative  material 
from  independent  sources,  not  only  to  clearly 
establish  the  fact  that  such  a  battle  was  fought 
but  that  the  privateer  was  engaged  in  another 
action,  of  smaller  importance,  to  be  sure,  but 
none  the  less  valuable  historically  and  of  inter 
est  to  the  reading  public. 

So  far  as  previously  established  accounts  have 
gone,  it  is  only  known  that  on  January   7, 
1779,  one  of  the  newest  and  best  of  our  armed 
[75] 


A  "  WARM  BATTLE  " 

craft,  the  20-gun  brig  General  Arnold,  Captain 
J.  Magee,  of  Massachusetts,  was  driven  ashore 
near  Plymouth  and  seventy-five  of  her  comple 
ment  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  perished. 
This  is  the  only  authoritative  record  we  have 
had  of  this  formidable  privateer.  It  is  given  in 
Lieutenant  Emmons'  "  Statistical  History  of 
the  United  States  Navy,"  published  in  1850. 

Lieutenant  Emmons  spent  several  years, 
under  the  direction  of  the  Navy  Department, 
in  gathering  all  possible  data  bearing  on  our 
early  navy,  and  published  a  most  valuable  com 
pendium  of  our  maritime  career  from  the  earli 
est  records  down  to  the  date  of  publication. 
That  he  was  entirely  in  error  in  regard  to  the 
General  Arnold — though  his  work  in  general 
is  remarkably  accurate — is  here  shown  most 
conclusively.  From  the  data  dug  up  in  the 
Brown  papers,  and  from  other  reliable  sources, 
the  writer  is  able  to  give  a  complete  account  of 
the  interesting  career  of  this  vessel. 

It  was  in  his  third  cruise  in  the  General 
Arnold  that  Captain  Brown's  perseverance,  in 
[76] 


A  MODEST  REPORT 

the  face  of  appalling  difficulties,  enabled  him 
to  fight  a  battle  that  was  highly  creditable  to 
his  professional  career  and  to  the  pluck  and 
determination  of  the  men  under  his  command. 
Were  we  to  rely  on  Captain  Brown  himself  for 
an  account  of  this  brilliant  achievement  we 
would  be  left  almost  as  much  in  the  dark  as 
before  but,  fortunately,  we  have  several  records 
from  English  sources  and  from  eye-witnesses 
which  throw  a  flood  of  light  on  these  impor 
tant  sea  fights. 

In  his  diary  Captain  Brown  modestly  dis 
misses  the  incident  in  these  few  words :  "  In 
February  [1779]  I  sailed  on  a  third  cruise  in 
the  General  Arnold.  After  cruising  four 
months,  taking  several  prizes  and  fighting 
some  warm  battles,  I  was  captured  by  His 
Majesty's  ship  Experiment  of  fifty  guns,  Sir 
James  Wallace,  commander,  June  [1779],  and 
was  escorted  to  Madeira,  thence  to  Savannah 
in  Georgia  where  I  had  my  second  degree  on 
board  a  prison  ship." 

The  journal  of  Thomas  Greele,  who  was  sail- 
[77] 


A  "  WARM  BATTLE  " 

ing-master  in  the  General  Arnold,  the  "  narra 
tive  "  of  Ignatius  Webber,  who  was  prize- 
master  in  the  same  vessel,  and  a  copy  of  the 
official  report  of  Captain  Thomas  Beynon 
(as  published  in  an  English  newspaper  of  the 
day)  who  was  commander  of  one  of  the  British 
ships  engaged,  have  been  unearthed  and  throw 
some  really  valuable  side-lights  on  this  remark 
able  cruise  which  Captain  Brown  so  modestly 
dismisses  with :  "  taking  several  prizes  and 
fighting  some  warm  battles." 

Instead  of  giving  these  various  narratives 
separately  the  writer  will  endeavor  to  weave  a 
continuous  account  of  the  venture  in  his  own 
words.  Thomas  Greele  gives  us  our  starting 
point  of  this  cruise  when  he  entered  in  his  jour 
nal  :  "  February  25,  1779.  Sailed  from  Cape 
Ann  "  and,  in  the  next  entry,  under  date  of 
March  4th,  he  noted  that :  "  Samuel  Dyer,  the 
cook,  died." 

Whether  or  not  the  early  loss  of  the  knight 
of  the  ship's  galley  was  taken  by  the  gallant 
tars  in  the  General  Arnold  as  presaging  ill- 
[78] 


HIS  HIGHNESS,— THE  SEA-COOK 

luck  on  this  venture,  we  have  no  means  of  know 
ing.  We  do  know,  however,  that  among  sea 
men  of  that  day  the  sea-cook  occupied  a  posi 
tion  of  importance  (in  the  estimation  of  the 
ship's  company)  second  only  to  that  held  by  the 
commander  himself.  No  landlubber  can  fully 
appreciate  the  tender  solicitude  true-blue  sailors 
have  for  the  ship's  cook.  He  was  a  privileged 
character  and  could  take  liberties  which  no 
other  member  of  the  crew  would  dare  to  at 
tempt.  The  officers,  and  even  the  captain  him 
self,  were  exceedingly  deferential  to  this  august 
person  and  when  the  United  States  cruiser 
Reprisal  foundered  at  sea,  1777,  all  hands  per 
ishing  excepting  the  cook,  it  was  generally  re 
garded  among  sailor  folk  as  being  another 
beautiful  manifestation  of  a  benign  Providence. 
Singularly  enough,  in  the  action  between  the 
General  Arnold  and  Nanny,  the  only  person 
killed  was  the  Nanny's  cook. 

At  all  events,  the  death  of  the  General  Ar 
nold's  cook  did  not  check  her  quest  for  British 
gore;    but    it    is    somewhat    remarkable    that, 
[79] 


A  "  WARM  BATTLE  " 

shortly  after  this  loss,  the  brig  began  to  de 
velop  alarming  defects  in  her  spars  which,  in 
a  large  degree,  militated  against  her  efficiency 
in  the  battle  royal  which  was  so  soon  to  follow. 
On  March  llth,  seven  days  after  Dyer's  death, 
the  mainmast  was  found  to  be  sprung  and  two 
days  later  the  foremast  developed  the  same 
weakness. 

In  spite  of  these  discouragements,  Captain 
Brown  continued  to  push  his  way  over  the  At 
lantic  and,  at  six  o'clock  Sunday  morning, 
March  28th,  sighted  land  which  proved  to  be 
St.  Michael's  of  the  Western  Islands ;  distant 
nine  or  ten  miles,  bearing  south-southeast.  As 
the  weather  was  a  little  hazy  at  the  time,  it 
had  not  been  discovered  until  the  ship  was  quite 
close  inshore  and  about  the  same  time  a  large 
sail  was  descried  in  the  shadow  of  St.  Mi 
chael's  which  immediately  put  about  and  gave 
chase  to  the  venturesome  privateer  from  the 
New  World.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
his  two  masts  had  been  sprung — and  conse 
quently  all  his  spars  and  rigging  in  a  precari- 
[80] 


AT  CLOSE  QUARTERS 

ous  condition — Captain  Brown,  after  having 
satisfied  himself  that  the  stranger  was  not  a 
regular  man-of-war,  allowed  her  to  draw  near. 
"  At  about  ten  o'clock,"  wrote  Ignatius 
Webber,  "  she  hove  out  English  colors,  we  at 
the  same  time  showing  American.  She  began  to 
fire  bow  chase  guns.  At  eleven  o'clock  we  came 
to  a  general  engagement  which  continued  about 
four  glasses  [two  hours;  but,  according  to  the 
account  of  Sailing-Master  Greele,  the  action 
lasted  "  two  hours  and  fifteen  minutes  "]  the 
General  Arnold  being  the  weathermost  ship. 
Captain  Brown  had  determined  to  bear  down 
and  lay  her  close  aboard,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  she  was  greatly  superior  in  force  and 
bulk  to  the  Yankee.  We  bore  down  upon  her; 
she  at  the  same  time  bore  away  with  several  of 
her  guns  disabled.  She  having  greatly  the  ad 
vantage  in  sailing  and  Captain  Brown,  per 
ceiving  that  she  was  going  from  us,  ordered  the 
guns  to  be  well  loaded  and,  rounding-to,  gave 
her  the  contents  of  the  broadside  which  raked 
her  fore  and  aft." 

[81] 


A  "  WARM  BATTLE  " 

It  was  here  that  the  springing  of  the  Gen 
eral  Arnold's  masts  worked  to  her  detriment 
for,  although  her  spars  and  rigging  had  been 
badly  cut  up,  Captain  Brown  was  so  well  satis 
fied  that  he  had  defeated  the  enemy  that  he 
was  anxious  to  continue  the  fight.  He  made 
every  effort  to  again  come  within  gunshot  but 
was  unable  to  do  so,  as  the  comparatively  unin 
jured  state  of  the  stranger's  masts  and  sails 
enabled  her  to  escape. 

All  through  the  action  it  seems  to  have  been 
the  Englishman's  aim  to  cripple  the  General 
Arnold's  rigging  while  the  American  gunners 
devoted  most  of  their  attention  to  the  enemy's 
hull;  with  the  result  that,  while  the  Americans 
had  scarcely  a  man  killed  or  wounded,  their 
rigging  had  been  cut  to  pieces  so  they  could 
make  little  headway  in  a  chase.  The  English 
man  suffered  heavily  in  killed  and  wounded 
but  his  spars  and  rigging  were  almost  intact. 

Shortly  afterward  Captain  Brown  learned 
that  his  antagonist  was  the  British  privateer 
Gregson,  from  Liverpool,  mounting  twenty  12- 
[82] 


A  COMPLIMENT 

pounders  and  manned  by  one  hundred  and 
eighty  men — nearly  double  the  force  of  the 
General  Arnold,  which  carried  only  6-pounders. 
From  an  account  published  in  an  English  news 
paper  the  Americans  learned  that  the  Gregson 
had  had  her  first  lieutenant  and  seventeen  men 
killed  and  a  number  wounded.  The  British 
commander  reported  that  he  had  had  a  battle 
with  "  A  rebel  frigate  of  thirty-two  guns  and 
beat  her  off." 

It  certainly  is  an  unbiased  compliment  to  the 
efficiency  of  the  General  Arnold's  gunners  that 
they  wielded  their  battery  of  6-pounders 
against  the  12-pounders  of  their  opponent  with 
such  effect  as  to  induce  the  commander  of  the 
Gregson  to  honestly  believe  that  he  had  been 
fighting  a  32-gun  frigate.  After  the  action, 
the  Gregson  put  into  St.  Michael's  to  recu 
perate. 


[83] 


CHAPTER  VII 

A    FORGOTTEN    SEA    FIGHT 

ON  the  day  following  her  desperate  en 
gagement  with  the  privateer  Gregson, 
the   General  Arnold  hovered   off   St. 
Michael's   at   a   distance   of   about   nine   miles 
hoping   that   her   antagonist   might   come   out 
and  bring  the  fight  to  a  finish.     But  in  this 
Captain   Brown   was    disappointed   and,    after 
having  repaired  his  extensive  injuries  the  best 
he  could  in  the  open  sea,  he  resumed  his  search 
for  British  traders. 

On  April  4th  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  fall 
in  with  the  valuable  English  merchant  ship 
William,  John  Gregory,  master,  which  had  re 
cently  sailed  from  Gibraltar  bound  for  New 
York.  Placing  Samuel  Robinson  and  a  prize 
crew  aboard,  with  directions  to  make  the  best 
of  their  way  to  a  home  port,  the  ships  parted 
[84] 


"GENTLEMEN  SAILORS" 

company — the  William  arriving  safely  in  New- 
buryport  a  few  weeks  later. 

That  the  discipline  of  a  regular  man-of-war 
was  maintained  aboard  the  General  Arnold  is 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that  a  part  of  her  crew 
were  especially  enlisted  as  "  marines  "  or  soldiers 
who  serve  aboard  fighting  craft  to  maintain 
order  and  to  uphold  the  authority  of  the  officers. 
Thomas  Greele,  in  his  journal  under  date  April 
7th,  notes :  "  William  Johnson,  officer  of  the 
marines,  died." 

In  nearly  all  New  England  seaports  at  this 
time  a  number  of  adventure-loving  young  men 
— usually  of  respectable  parentage — were  to 
be  found  who  were  ready  to  embark  on  any 
devil-daring  enterprise  that  gave  promise  of 
excitement  and  pecuniary  remuneration.  They 
were  generally  known  as  "  gentlemen  sailors." 
As  a  rule  they  were  proficient  in  the  use  of  fire 
arms,  had  more  or  less  knowledge  of  infantry 
tactics  and  enlisted  as  "  marines  " — perform 
ing  the  customary  guard  duty  while  the  drudg 
ery  of  ship  work  was  left  to  those  who  enlisted 
[85] 


A  FORGOTTEN  SEA  FIGHT 

as  sailors.  That  the  General  Arnold  had  a 
regularly  enlisted  corps  of  "  marines  "  aboard 
is  evidence  of  her  excellent  arrangement  and  of 
the  discipline  maintained  throughout  the  brig. 

Under  the  same  date  Greele  notes  that 
"  Thomas  Brown  fell  overboard  and  was 
drowned  "  and,  five  days  later,  he  adds :  "  Wil 
liam  Cooper  fell  overboard — but  we  got  him 
again." 

On  the  19th  of  April  the  General  Arnold 
dropped  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Coruna  where 
she  remained,  replenishing  her  ammunition  and 
repairing  her  damages,  until  May  19th  when 
she  again  put  to  sea.  For  a  month  the  priva 
teer  knocked  about  the  broad  Atlantic  without 
falling  in  with  anything  worth  taking  but,  at 
six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  May  20th,  with 
Cape  Finisterre  bearing  southwest  distant  some 
twenty-four  miles,  a  sail  showed  up  above  the 
horizon.  In  a  moment  all  was  attention  and 
interest  aboard  the  war  craft  as  she  pricked 
up  her  ears  and  prepared  to  crawl  stealthily 
upon  her  supposed  prey. 
[86] 


I   UNIVERSITY    I 

X.C^JFOR^S^ 


AT  CLOSE  QUARTERS 
It  was  not  long  before  the  swift-sailing 
American  came  within  observing  distance  when 
it  was  evident  that  the  stranger  was  an  enemy. 
All  doubt  on  this  point  was  soon  dispelled  as 
she,  soon  afterward,  showed  English  colors 
and  the  Americans  responded  with  theirs.  The 
two  vessels  seemed  to  be  evenly  matched  and 
their  commanders  went  through  a  series  of 
maneuvers  with  a  view  to  gaining  the  most 
advantageous  position  for  beginning  the  at 
tack.  After  this  preliminary  "  sparring  "  had 
lasted  a  few  moments  the  two  ships  came  to 
close  quarters,  the  first  broadsides  being  almost 
simultaneous. 

The  Americans  resorted  to  their  old  tactics 
of  firing  into  the  enemy's  hull  while  the  English 
aimed  high  and  soon  played  havoc  with  the 
privateer's  masts,  spars  and  rigging.  The 
accuracy  and  regularity  of  American  gunnery 
have  seldom  been  shown  to  better  advantage 
than  in  this  action.  After  a  struggle  lasting 
about  an  hour  the  stranger  surrendered  but  she 
had  been  so  riddled  with  shot,  close  to  the  water 
[87] 


A  FORGOTTEN  SEA  FIGHT 

line,  that  she  sank  in  a  short  time  after  lower 
ing  her  colors — her  crew,  numbering  fifty-seven 
men  all  told,  scarcely  having  time  in  which  to 
get  into  their  boats. 

She  proved  to  be  the  English  privateer 
Nanny,  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  com 
manded  by  Thomas  Beynon,  from  Liverpool 
laden  with  coal  for  Oporto.  She  carried  six 
teen  9-  and  6-pounders.  That  Captain  Beynon 
had  made  a  heroic  defense  is  attested,  not  only 
by  the  circumstance  that  his  own  ship  sank  in 
a  short  time  after  her  surrender  but  by  the 
fact  that  he  had  inflicted  irreparable  injury  on 
his  antagonist.  The  General  Arnold's  foreyard 
had  been  shot  away  and  was  on  the  forecastle, 
while  her  mainmast,  yards  and  rigging  had 
been  severely  damaged.  It  really  seemed  fated 
that  Captain  Brown  was  destined  to  receive 
little  but  hard  knocks  with  little  remuneration 
on  this  cruise. 

Nine  days  after  the  action,  Captain  Brown 
fell  in  with  a  Spanish  brig  bound  for  Cadiz  and 
very  kindly  placed  Captain  Beynon  and  two 
[88] 


THE  BRITON'S  PLUCKY  FIGHT 

other  prisoners  aboard  so  they  could  report  the 
engagement  to  the  owners  of  the  Nanny.  In 
his  official  report  of  the  action  dated  at  Cadiz, 
June  2,  1779,  Beynon  gives  a  manly  and 
graphic  account  of  his  misfortune,  besides  some 
interesting  details  of  the  way  the  Americans 
used  "  fire-pots  "  or  large  packages  of  powder 
hung  at  their  yard  arms  which  were  to  be 
dropped  onto  the  enemy's  deck  when  at  close 
quarters  and  cause  a  conflagration. 

Captain  Beynon  says :  "  On  the  20th  of  May, 
when  off  Cape  Finisterre,  we  saw  a  ship  in  pur 
suit  of  us  and,  being  resolved  to  know  the  weight 
of  her  metal  before  I  gave  up  your  property, 
I  prepared  to  make  the  best  defense  I  could. 
Between  eight  and  nine  o'clock  he  came  along 
side  with  American  colors  and  three  fire-pots 
out,  one  at  each  end  of  his  foreyard  arm  and 
one  at  his  jibboom  end.  He  hailed  and  told 
me  to  haul  down  my  colors.  I  told  him  to 
begin  and  blaze  away  for  I  was  determined  to 
know  his  force  before  I  gave  up  to  him.  The 
battle  began  and  lasted  two  hours,  our  ships 
[89] 


A  FORGOTTEN  SEA  FIGHT 

being  close  together,  having  only  room  enough 
to  keep  clear  of  each  other. 

"  Our  guns  told  well  on  both  sides  and  we 
were  soon  left  destitute  of  rigging  and  sails. 
As  I  engaged  under  topsails  and  jib  we  were 
soon  shattered  below  and  aloft.  I  got  the 
Nanny  before  the  wind  and  fought  an  hour 
that  way,  one  pump  going  till  we  had  seven 
feet  of  water  in  the  hold.  I  thought  it  then 
almost  time  to  give  up  the  battle,  as  our  ship 
was  a  long  time  in  recovering  her  sallies  and 
began  to  be  water-logged.  We  were  so  close 
that  I  told  him  I  had  struck  and  then  hauled 
down  my  colors. 

"  The  privateer  [General  Arnold]  was  in  a 
shattered  condition.  Her  foreyard  was  shot 
away  and  lying  on  the  forecastle;  a  piece  was 
out  of  her  mainmast  so  that  he  could  make  no 
sail  until  it  was  fished ;  all  her  running  rigging 
was  entirely  gone  and  a  great  part  of  her 
shrouds  and  back  stays.  None  of  her  sails  es 
caped  injury  except  his  mainsail.  By  the  time 
we  were  out  of  the  Nanny  the  water  was  up  to 
[90] 


ONLY  THE  COOK  KILLED 

her  lower  deck.  When  Captain  Brown  heard 
of  the  small  number  of  men  I  had  he  asked  me 
what  I  meant  by  engaging  him  so  long.  I 
told  him  I  was  then  his  prisoner  and  hoped 
he  would  not  call  me  to  account  for  what  I  had 
done  before  I  hauled  down  my  colors.  He  said 
that  he  approved  of  all  that  I  had  done  and 
treated  my  officers  and  myself  like  gentlemen 
and  my  people  as  his  own. 

"  I  had  only  two  men  wounded — and  they 
with  splinters.  The  cook,  I  believe,  was 
drowned  as  he  never  came  on  board  the  priva 
teer.  Nothing  was  saved  but  the  ensign  and 
that  was  full  of  holes.  We  received  sixty 
dozen  musket  shot  from  their  marines,  accord 
ing  to  their  own  account,  besides  from  their 
tops.  The  privateer  had  six  men  wounded  and 
is  the  same  that  fought  the  Greg  son  of  Liver 
pool.  I  was  put  aboard  a  Spanish  brig,  and 
arrived  at  Cadiz." 


[91] 


CHAPTER  VIII 

A    PRISONEE    OF    WAR 

THE  audacity  of  Captain  Brown's  at 
tack  on  the  Nanny  is  enhanced  when 
it  is  learned  that  throughout  the 
battle  a  fleet  of  sixty-eight  English  merchant 
men,  convoyed  by  eight  ships-of-the-line  and 
several  frigates,  were  in  plain  sight.  Three  of 
the  frigates  made  every  effort  to  come  upon 
the  scene  of  action  but,  as  the  wind  failed,  they 
were  compelled  to  remain  helpless  spectators 
of  the  drubbing  the  "  impudent "  Yankee  was 
giving  to  their  countrymen. 

It  was  fortunate,  indeed,  for  the  General 
Arnold  that  lack  of  wind  prevented  the  frig 
ates  from  coming  up  with  her.  As  it  was, 
Captain  Brown  made  all  haste  to  repair  his 
shattered  spars  and,  under  cover  of  night, 


SIR  JAMES   WALLACE— GENTLEMAN 

availed  himself  of  a  fine  breeze  and  by  morn 
ing  had  eluded  the  clutches  of  the  fleet. 

Resuming  his  search  for  prizes,  Captain 
Brown,  on  the  30th  of  May,  captured  the 
British  merchantman  George,  Captain  Willicat, 
from  Newfoundland  for  Oporto.  Ignatius 
Webber  was  placed  aboard  the  George  with  a 
prize  crew  and  was  ordered  to  Coruna.  "  About 
a  week  afterward,"  records  Webber,  "  I  had  the 
ill  luck  to  be  taken  by  three  English  cutters 
from  Dover  bound  on  a  cruise  to  the  Mediterra 
nean.  They  all  went  into  Oporto  with  their 
prize,  it  being  the  first  they  had  taken." 

Three  days  after  her  capture  of  the  George, 
the  career  of  the  privateer  was  cut  short;  she 
being  captured  by  the  50-gun  ship  Experiment, 
Captain  Sir  James  Wallace.  It  is  related  that 
when  Captain  Brown  gained  the  deck  of  the 
Experiment,  Sir  James  asked  him  if  he  was  the 
"  Captain  of  that  rebel  ship."  Brown  replied : 

"  I   was    very   lately ;    you   are   now,"    and 
offered  to  surrender  his  sword.     Captain  Wal 
lace  refused  to  receive  it,  saying: 
[93] 


A  PRISONER  OF  WAR 
"  I    never    take    a    sword    from    a    brave 
man." 

Sir  James  continued  to  extend  every  courtesy 
to  his  prisoner,  treating  him  more  as  a  guest. 
Taking  Captain  Brown  into  his  private  cabin? 
where  he  met  other  officers  of  the  ship,  a  gen 
eral  conversation  followed  (over  the  traditional 
"  glass  of  wine  "  )  upon  the  affairs  of  the  two 
countries  when  Sir  James  proposed  as  a  toast 
"  His  Majesty,  King  George  the  Third."  It 
was  rather  hard  for  the  doughty  Yankee  skip 
per  to  accept  but  he  swallowed  his  wine  with 
out  remark.  Sir  James  now  called  on  Brown 
for  a  return  toast — thinking,  from  Brown's 
silence,  that  he  had  acquiesced  in  the  senti 
ment  and  would  respond  with  something  of  the 
like.  Rising  with  much  dignity  and  unawed 
by  his  position  as  a  prisoner  aboard  a  powerful 
enemy's  war-ship,  Captain  Brown  gave  as  a 
toast: 

"  His  Excellency,  General  George  Washing 
ton,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  American 
forces ! " 

[94] 


A  TOAST  TO  WASHINGTON 

The  glass  which  Sir  James  had  raised  to  his 
lips  was  hastily  lowered  and,  turning  fiercely 
on  his  prisoner,  he  asked : 

"  Do  you  mean  to  insult  me,  sir,  in  my  own 
ship,  by  proposing  the  name  of  that  arch 
rebel?  " 

"No,"  replied  Captain  Brown.  "If  there 
was  any  insult  it  was  in  your  giving,  as  a 
toast,  6  George  the  Third,'  which,  however,  I 
did  not  hesitate  to  drink  to,  although  you  must 
have  known  it  could  not  be  agreeable  to  me 
who,  at  this  moment,  am  a  guest  though  a 
prisoner." 

Sir  James  at  once  perceived  that  if  there  had 
been  a  breach  of  etiquette  he  had  led  the  way 
and,  like  the  honorable  man  he  was,  suppressed 
his  anger  and  drank  to  that  "  arch  rebel," 
Washington ! 

The  Experiment  escorted  her  prize  to  Ma 
deira  and  from  that  place  Sir  James  carried 
his  prisoner  to  Savannah  where  Captain 
Brown  was,  for  the  third  time,  placed  aboard  a 
prison  ship.  Shortly  afterward  the  Experiment 
[95] 


A  PRISONER  OF  WAR 

was  captured  by  the  fleet  under  Count  d'Es- 
taing. 

In  November  Brown  was  released,  through  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  and  proceeded  to 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  where  he  took  passage  in  the 
ship  Eustace,  Captain  Bishop,  for  Boston. 
The  Eustace  had  proceeded  on  this  voyage  far 
enough  to  sight  Rhode  Island  Light  when  she 
met  a  succession  of  terrific  northeast  gales 
which  actually  blew  her  all  the  way  to  St. 
Eustatius  in  the  West  Indies.  In  these  storms 
the  ship  frequently  was  in  danger  of  founder 
ing  and,  by  the  time  she  gained  the  West  Indian 
port,  she  had  lost  fourteen  of  her  original  crew 
of  thirty-one  men. 

Believing  that  he  could  make  quicker  time 
home  by  a  different  route,  Captain  Brown  took 
passage  from  St.  Eustatius  in  the  brig  Sailor's 
Delight,  Captain  David  Coats,  of  Newburyport 
which  vessel,  after  a  fair  run,  put  into  Cape 
Ann  Roads  where  Captain  Brown  landed,  in 
tending  to  make  the  rest  of  his  way  home  by 
land. 

[96] 


A  "LAND  CRUISE" 

Rough  as  Captain  Brown's  experiences  had 
been  at  sea,  he  seemed  fated  to  receive  severer 
usage  whenever  he  ventured  to  set  foot  on  terra 
firma.  We  remember  his  stormy  "  land  voy 
age  "  of  seventeen  days  from  Philadelphia  to 
Boston,  in  which  he  and  his  horse  could  not 
agree — with  the  result  that  the  gallant  captain 
was  thrown  and  had  his  shoulder  dislocated. 
On  this  second  "  land  cruise  "  Captain  Brown 
again  entrusted  himself  to  the  tender  mercies 
of  a  horse — this  time  on  its  back.  In  the  course 
of  the  "  passage "  from  Cape  Ann  to  New- 
buryport,  the  nag  stumbled  and,  falling  on 
Captain  Brown,  "  bruised  me  very  much." 

Captain  Brown  comments  on  his  arrival  at 
Newburyport  as  follows: 

"  I  arrived  home  after  fourteen  months,  like 
the  Frenchman  at  St.  Eustatius,  without  money 
or  goods;  only  one  poor  heart — and  that  was 
broken  too." 


[97] 


CHAPTER   IX 

PERILOUS     TIMES    FOR     MERCHANTMEN 

WHAT  was  left  of  the  winter  of  1779- 
1780  was  spent  by  Captain  Brown 
in  his  cozy  home  in  Newburyport 
and  in  April,  1780,  he  made  a  voyage  in  the  brig 
Mercury  to  Amsterdam  and  returned  in  the, 
then,  remarkably  short  time  of  four  months — 
and  in  November  he  completed  the  round  trip  to 
Cape  Fra^ois  in  seventy  days.  The  voyage  to 
Amsterdam  was  repeated  in  1781  and,  in  the 
following  year,  Brown  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  splendid  privateer  Intrepid,  owned  and 
fitted  out  by  Nathaniel  Tracy  of  Newburyport, 
carrying  twenty  12-pounders  and  a  complement 
of  one  hundred  and  sixty  men  and  boys. 

Captain  Brown's  first  officer  in  the  Intrepid 
was   Lieutenant   Henry    Lunt    of   the   United 
States  Navy.     Lunt  had  just  returned  to  his 
[98] 


JOHN  PAUL  JONES 

home  in  Newburyport  after  an  absence  of  four 
years  and  seven  months  in  the  naval  service.  He 
had  fought  under  John  Paul  Jones  in  the 
famous  Bonhomme  Richard-Serapis  battle  and 
was  with  Jones  in  the  Alliance  and  Ariel.  When 
Lunt  left  Philadelphia,  in  the  winter  of  1781, 
for  his  home  he  took  with  him  an  open  letter 
of  recommendation  from  Captain  Jones  and  the 
owner  of  the  Intrepid  was  glad  to  secure  him. 

Soon  after  the  Intrepid  sailed,  John  Paul 
Jones  himself  came  to  Newburyport  to  inquire 
after  his  second  lieutenant,  Mr.  Lunt,  wishing  to 
induce  him  to  again  enter  the  navy  as  a  lieu 
tenant  in  the  splendid  74-gun  ship-of-the-line 
America,  then  nearly  completed  at  Portsmouth. 
Captain  Jones  expressed  much  regret  at  not 
finding  him.  The  America,  subsequently,  was 
presented  to  France  in  compensation  for  the  74- 
gun  ship  Magnifique,  which  had  been  lost  in 
Boston  harbor.  Jones  and  Lunt  were  so  nearly 
of  the  same  size  that  their  clothes  fitted  each 
other. 

Although  so  heavily  armed  and  manned,  it 
[99] 


PERILOUS  TIMES 

was  not  intended  to  have  the  Intrepid  go  on  a 
general  cruise;  her  mission  being  to  transport 
a  cargo  of  drygoods  valued  at  half  a  million 
dollars  from  POrient,  France,  to  Baltimore.  It 
was  an  errand  of  unusual  danger.  Cut  off 
from  their  ordinary  supplies  from  the  Old 
World,  the  colonists  experienced  difficulty  in 
securing  the  ordinary  necessities  of  civilization. 
Nearly  all  of  our  regular  cruisers  had  been  cap 
tured  or  destroyed  so  that  the  only  avenue  of 
communication  with  the  outside  world  was  by 
means  of  a  few  heavily  armed,  fast-sailing 
craft  which  were  specially  prepared  to  make 
quick  runs  to  and  from  foreign  ports. 

The  war  with  England  was  still  on  and 
(though  British  commerce  had  been  almost 
swept  from  the  seas)  English  cruisers  were 
swarming  about  our  ports  and  coast,  eager  to 
intercept  and  punish  the  daring  seamen  who  had 
occasioned  them  such  unprecedented  injury.  It 
was  Captain  Brown's  duty  to  slip  through  the 
meshes  of  network  the  Admiralty  had  woven 
about  our  coast,  elude  their  swiftest  cruisers 
[100] 


WRECKED 

on  the  high  seas,  gain  the  French  port  and 
bring  the  precious  cargo  to  Baltimore  in  safety. 
This  difficult  task  was  safely  accomplished  in  the 
summer  and  fall  of  1782,  much  to  the  gratifica 
tion  of  the  privateer's  owners. 

Although  the  cessation  of  hostilities  between 
England  and  the  colonists  relieved  our  seamen 
of  much  of  these  exciting  war  conditions,  the 
times,  for  several  decades  afterward,  were 
greatly  unsettled.  Acts  of  unwarranted  se 
verity  and  absolute  outrage  on  the  ocean  were 
frequent  so  that  our  mariners  were  compelled  to 
be  almost  as  much  on  their  guard  as  when  the 
war  was  on.  Captain  Brown  discovered  this 
several  times,  to  his  sorrow. 

In  April,  1783,  he  carried  the  Intrepid  to 
Havana,  where  the  vessel  was  sold,  when  Brown 
took  passage  in  a  brig  for  Boston  but  was 
wrecked  off  Cape  Lookout,  S.  C.,  and  nearly 
perished.  Making  his  way  to  Beaufort  and 
thence  to  New  York,  he  was  in  time  to  witness 
the  evacuation  of  that  city  by  the  British. 

Not  only  on  the  high  seas  but  in  friendly 
[101] 


PERILOUS  TIMES 

ports  our  merchantmen  were  subjected  to  un 
just  proceedings.  Early  in  1784,  Captain 
Brown  navigated  the  brig  W  'ex  ford  to  Limer 
ick,  Ireland,  where  she  was  seized  "  and  kept  six 
months  in  the  law  which  cost  four  hundred 
guineas  (over  two  thousand  dollars)  with 
a  loss  of  a  part  of  the  cargo."  After  get 
ting  clear  of  the  land-sharks,  Brown  returned 
to  Newburyport  via  Lisbon. 

In  the  year  1785,  Brown  made  voyages  to 
the  West  Indies  and  two  more  in  the  following 
3rear.  The  hardy  sailor  now  planned  a  more 
ambitious  voyage  than  any  he  had  yet  un 
dertaken  —  India  being  the  goal  on  which  he 
fixed  his  eye.  He  says  :  "  Some  change  taking 
place  in  Mr.  Tracy's1  business,  I  tarried  at 


1775  to  1783  Nathaniel  Tracy  was  principal 
owner  of  one  hundred  and  ten  vessels,  aggregating  over 
fifteen  thousand  tons  which,  with  their  cargoes,  were 
valued  at  $2,733,300.  Twenty-three  of  these  vessels  were 
letters-of  -marque,  mounting  two  hundred  and  ninety- 
eight  carriage  guns,  and  registering  sixteen  hundred  and 
eighteen  men.  Of  this  one  hundred  and  ten  sail  but 
thirteen  were  left  by  the  end  of  the  war,  all  the  rest 
having  been  taken  by  the  enemy  or  lost.  Tracy  was  also 

[102] 


PRIVATEER  "HERCULES'* 

home  until  the  winter  of  1787  when  the  brig 
became  the  property  of  Mr.  John  Lane,  of  Lon 
don.  He  fitted  her  out  for  the  Isle  of  France 
but  we  stopped  at  Senegal  and  found  the  garri 
son  in  want  of  provisions.  We  sold  our  cargo 
and  went  to  Buena  Vista  and  loaded  with  salt 
and  returned  to  Boston  where  I  quit  her  and 
returned  to  Newburyport  in  September,  to  take 
charge  of  the  ship  Hercules,  then  in  the  stocks 
belonging  to  the  same  owner. 

"  In  October  we  launched  her   and  in  Janu- 


the  principal  owner  of  twenty-four  cruising  (privateers) 
ships,  the  combined  tonnage  of  which  was  over  six 
thousand,  carrying  three  hundred  and  forty  guns,  6-, 
9-  and  12-pounders,  and  navigated  by  twenty-eight 
hundred  men.  "  When  it  is  considered  that  these  were 
in  addition  to  the  letters-of -marque,  it  exhibits  Mr. 
Tracy  as  a  naval,  rather  than  a  merchant,  prince." 

But  of  these  twenty-four  cruisers,  only  one  remained 
at  the  close  of  the  war.  Nevertheless  they  had  not  been 
idle,  nor  were  they  ignobly  surrendered.  These  ships 
captured  from  the  enemy  one  hundred  and  twenty  sail, 
amounting  to  over  twenty-three  thousand  tons  which, 
with  their  cargoes,  were  sold  for  $3,950,000  and  with 
these  prizes  were  taken  two  thousand,  two  hundred  and 
twenty-five  prisoners  of  war. 

[103] 


PERILOUS  TIMES 

ary,  1788,  went  to  Portsmouth,  loaded  with 
masts  and  sailed  in  March  for  London  with  a 
view  to  going  from  thence  to  India.  But  Mr. 
Lane's  partner,  not  liking  the  plan,  it  was  given 
up  and  the  ship  was  chartered  for  the  Cape  de 
Verde  Islands,  where  I  went  and  loaded  at  the 
Isle  of  May  and  returned  to  Boston  in  October. 
I  went  home  to  my  family,  the  ship  being  laid 
up  with  the  salt  on  board.  In  November  I  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  Mr.  Alexander  Moore,  who 
was  agent  for  Mr.  Lane,  requesting  me  to  come 
to  Boston  and  take  charge  of  the  ship  for 
another  India  voyage  but,  as  I  had  spent  two 
years,  and  made  nothing  for  my  trouble,  and 
the  voyage  being  uncertain  as  to  its  length,  I 
quit  and  gave  her  up  to  my  first  officer,  Mr. 
Patrick  Fletcher  [afterward  a  captain  in  the 
United  States  Navy.  He  commanded  the  40- 
gun  frigate  Insurgent  in  1800,  when  that  ill- 
fated  vessel  sailed  on  a  cruise  and  was  never 
after  heard  from],  of  Boston  and  returned 
home — throwing  myself  once  more  on  the  wide 
world  for  employment  to  earn  bread  for  myself 
[104] 


HARDSHIPS  OF  SEA  LIFE 

and  family.  After  lying  ahull  for  some  time 
and  seeing  nothing  to  advantage,  I  thought  it 
time  to  call  all  hands  and  veer  ship  and  make 
sail  in  chase  of  Industry,  from  which  I  have 
always  found  a  sufficiency  to  feed  and  clothe 
my  family." 

In  a  short  time  Captain  Brown  purchased 
"  a  small  part  of  the  brig  Essex  "  and  sailed  in 
her  for  Surinam,  January  25,  1788,  with  a 
small  cargo  of  fish  and  lumber,  "  one-eighth  of 
which  was  my  all,  having  met  with  many  crosses, 
losses  and  disappointments  in  life.  I  made  this 
voyage  with  some  success  and  returned  to  Bos 
ton  in  June  when  I  sold  my  cargo  and  returned 
to  Newburyport,  where  I  found  my  eldest  son 
whom  I  had  not  seen  in  seven  years." 

The  peculiar  hardships  of  seafaring  life  in 
those  days  are  well  illustrated  in  the  last  words 
of  the  above  quotation :  "  My  eldest  son,  whom  I 
had  not  seen  in  seven  years."  This  son,  also, 
had  followed  the  sea  and  had  been  fairly  suc 
cessful — as  success  was  estimated  among  sea 
faring  people.  That  the  father  and  son  had 
[105] 


PERILOUS  TIMES 

not  met  in  "  seven  years  "  is  not  surprising. 
The  average  voyage  in  those  days  was  from 
two  to  six  months — some  of  those  undertaken 
by  Captain  Brown  had  lasted  over  two 
years — while  the  visits  home  were  from  two  to 
six  weeks  so  we  can  easily  understand  how 
the  son's  visits  home  came  at  a  time  when  the 
father  was  away. 

The  final  entries  in  Moses  Brown's  diary  are 
full  of  pathos.  In  these  notes  we  can  see  the 
good  man  nearing  that  stage  of  life  when 
human  clay  begins  to  show  its  weakness,  when 
the  encroachments  of  time,  hardships,  disease 
and  care  alarmingly  assert  themselves  in  the 
frail  body  that  encases  the  soul  while  on  earth: 
"  thirty-two  years  of  toil,  trouble  and  almost 
death,"  as  he  expressed  it.  Yet,  although 
weighted  down  with  cares  and  disappointments, 
we  detect  the  indomitable  spirit  and  courage  of 
the  man's  soul  breaking  through  all  mortal  bar 
riers  in  a  ringing,  triumphant  note  when  he 
records :  "  It  being  folly  for  a  person  with 
spirits  like  mine  to  despair,  I  started  out  again 
[106] 


AT  SURINAM 

on  this  present  voyage  the  2d  of  December,  for 
Surinam  and  am  this  day,  December  18,  1789, 
in  latitude  27°  30'  N. ;  and  longitude  49°  30' 
W.,  with  a  fine  breeze  west-southwest — and  may 
the  blessing  of  God  attend  this  voyage." 

On  the  13th  of  January,  1790,  Captain 
Brown  arrived  safely  in  the  Surinam  River  and 
went  up  to  Paramaribo,  where  he  found  the 
market  very  dull.  He  says :  "  I  sold  my  cargo 
and  on  the  15th  got  my  vessel  up  and  found- 
some  of  my  fish  damaged.  On  Saturday,  Janu 
ary  23d,  being  the  forty-eighth  anniversary 
of  my  birth,  Captains  Willis,  Wheelright  and 
Holland,  all  of  Newburyport,  dined  with  me." 

Having  experienced  many  fatiguing  delays, 
Brown,  after  three  months  spent  in  this  port, 
completed  his  cargo  and  sailed  for  home  April 
14th.  This  is  the  last  entry  in  Captain  Brown's 
diary.  His  subsequent  career  as  a  merchant 
commander  and  as  a  captain  in  the  regular 
navy  during  our  naval  war  with  France,  is 
gathered  from  records  left  by  his  contempo 
raries. 

[107] 


PERILOUS  TIMES 

On  another  page,  as  if  in  conclusion  to  the 
sketch  of  his  life,  Captain  Brown  makes  the 
following  comments  and  enters  a  few  lines  of 
verse : 

A  man  of  fortune  is  like  a  tree  loaded  with  fruit 
which  people  crowd  about  till  it  is  all  off,  and  then  pass 
it  unnoticed  to  another. 

What  is  our  God,  or  what  his  name, 
Nor  man  can  learn,  nor  angels  teach. 

He  dwells  concealed  in  radiant  flame, 
Where  neither  eye  nor  thought  can  reach. 

01ST  LOSING  SOME  TEETH. 

How  weak  the  prison  where  we  dwell, 

Flesh's  but  a  tottering  wall, 
The  breaches  every  day  foretell 

The  house  must  shortly  fall. 

And  happy  those  who  are  prepared  for  the  dissolu 
tion: 

MOSES  BROWN. 

In  no  place  in  Brown's  diary  or  in  any  other 
document  do  we  find  mention  made  of  his  com 
mand  of  the  22-gun  privateer  Minerva.  Em- 
mons,  in  his  "  Statistical  History  of  the  United 
States  Navy,"  enters  the  Minerva  as  a  16-gun 
[108] 


fe.g 

<  I  ^ 


rh    en    |    r^ 

w  w  j  rs 


X 


••V^l        £ii 

ill  vl 


O  ^ 
^ 


?M 

$  «og 

Iw 


>»x 


02 

H 


MINERVA'S   COMMISSION 

brig  of  sixty  men  of  New  Hampshire  and  com 
manded  by  M.  Brown.  We  give,  in  this  work, 
a  facsimile  reproduction  (reduced  one-tenth 
from  the  original)  of  Captain  Brown's  com 
mission,  dated  February  24,  1781,  and  signed 
by  Samuel  Huntington,  President  of  the  United 
States  Congress,  which  shows  plainly  enough 
that  he  was  in  command  of  such  a  ship — 
though  it  is  probable  that  he  did  not  get  to 
sea  with  her  except  for  a  short  run  from  one 
port  to  another. 

There  is  a  singular  clause  in  this  as  in  nearly 
all  commissions  issued  by  Congress,  namely, 
that  no  cargoes  or  vessels  belonging  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Bermuda  should  be  molested. 


[109] 


CHAPTER  X 

TRADING    UNDER    DIFFICULTIES 

IN  spite  of  his  poor  luck  at  Surinam,  as  nar 
rated  in  the  last  chapter,  Captain  Brown 
made  several  more  voyages  to  that  port. 
On  his  return  from  his  last  trip  he  was  afflicted 
with  a  "  very  dangerous  abscess  in  his  thigh  " 
and,   during   his   convalescence,   the   brig   was 
fitted  for  Port  au  Prince  in  charge  of  his  son 
William. 

Returning  from  that  place  with  a  freight  for 

Baltimore  the  brig  was  captured  by  an  English 

privateer  and  carried  into  New  Providence,  on 

the  island  of  Nassau,  where  she  was  detained 

some  months  because  a  part  of  her  cargo  was 

declared  by  some  official  to  be  French  property. 

It  was  on  such  flimsy  pretexts  as  this  that 

many  honest  American  merchantmen  were  seized 

by   English   authorities   and,   after  being   de- 

[110] 


IN  THE  "  HANNAH  " 

tained  for  months  in  litigation  on  mere  "  sus 
picion," — at  ruinous  loss  to  their  owners, — 
were  released  "  on  a  mistake  in  detention."  In 
many  cases  the  "  suspicion  "  on  the  part  of 
British  authorities  amounted  to  nothing  else 
than  a  desire  to  discourage  "  carrying  trade  " 
in  American  bottoms  and,  in  this  instance,  it  evi 
dently  was  a  malicious  desire  on  the  part  of 
the  Nassau  officials  to  hamper  the  Yankees  as 
common  carriers.  Captain  Brown's  son  notes 
that  the  brig  "  finally  proceeded  to  Baltimore 
and  thence  to  Newburyport  after  making  a 
poor  voyage.  After  some  repairs  the  brig  was 
sold." 

Not  discouraged  by  his  Surinam  experiences 
Captain  Brown,  with  Mr.  Anthony  Davenport, 
purchased  the  schooner  Hannah  of  ninety  tons 
and  loaded  her  for  the  South  American  port — 
his  son  Joseph,  then  twenty  years  old,  going  in 
her  as  cooper;  it  being  his  first  voyage.  The 
Hannah  sailed  early  in  December,  1794,  and 
four  days  after  leaving  port  encountered  a 
heavy  gale  and  shipped  a  sea  while  scudding 

cm] 


TRADING  UNDER  DIFFICULTIES 

before  the  wind  which  washed  the  mate  and 
two  men  overboard.  "  As  we  were  reefing  the 
foresail,"  notes  Joseph  Brown,  "  the  mate  and 
one  man  were  caught  in  the  bag  of  the  sail, 
which  hung  alongside,  and  we  saved  them.  But 
one  man  (Moses  Bennett)  was  lost.  This  was 
about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  it  was 
pitch  dark  and  a  very  heavy  sea  was  running." 

The  Hannah  made  a  fairly  profitable  voy 
age  and  returned  to  Boston  in  May,  1795, 
where  her  cargo  was  sold  and  she  proceeded  to 
her  old  home  in  the  Merrimac. 

In  the  following  July  the  brig  sailed  for 
Guadeloupe.  When  in  a  dangerous  part  of  the 
West  Indies  she  encountered  a  heavy  squall 
which,  in  spite  of  the  utmost  exertions  of  her 
crew,  threw  her  on  the  reefs.  As  the  channel 
was  intricate  it  became  necessary  to  throw  the 
deck  load  of  lumber  into  the  sea. 

When  the  weather  moderated,  the  crew — with 

the   assistance   of   thirty   negroes — landed   the 

cargo  and  in  two  days  succeeded  in  getting  the 

brig  afloat,  when  she  proceeded  to  Point  Petre. 

[112] 


CAPTURED  BY  THE  ENGLISH 

As  the  French  officials  would  not  allow  the 
Yankees  to  sell  their  cargo  at  that  place  it  was 
taken  aboard  again  to  be  carried  back  to  New 
England. 

On  the  passage  home,  when  the  Hannah  was 
nearly  on  soundings  off  the  southeast  part  of 
St.  George's  Bank,  she  was  captured  by  the 
English  privateer  Dove,  Robert  Tucker,  master, 
of  Bermuda.  Placing  a  prize  crew  aboard  the 
Hannah  the  Dove  made  sail  for  her  home  port 
but,  owing  to  very  severe  weather  and  heavy 
gales,  the  passage  was  protracted.  Before 
reaching  port  Captain  Brown  was  taken  down 
with  fever  and,  at  one  time,  his  life  was  de 
spaired  of. 

There  were  no  surgeons  aboard  vessels  of  this 
class  in  those  days  but,  usually,  some  member 
of  the  ship's  company  was  selected  because  of 
his  greater  familiarity  with  medicine  and 
drugs.  The  mate  of  the  Hannah  was  the  ama 
teur  physician  on  this  cruise  and  Captain 
Brown  asked  that  he  be  allowed  to  attend  to 
him.  Captain  Tucker,  however,  had  already 
[113] 


TRADING  UNDER  DIFFICULTIES 

placed  the  mate  aboard  the  privateer  for  safe 
keeping  and  would  not  permit  him  to  again  go 
aboard  the  Hannah. 

While  the  Dove  and  her  prize  were  yet  some 
days  from  port  they  became  separated  in  a 
violent  gale  and  did  not  meet  again  until  they 
reached  Bermuda.  For  several  days  young 
Joseph  Brown  was  alone  with  his  sick  father 
aboard  the  Hannah,  with  only  one  small  boy, 
three  whites  and  two  negroes,  under  the  charge 
of  a  drunken  prize-master  named  Newbold.  It 
was  only  by  the  most  unremitting  efforts  that 
the  Hannah  was  saved  from  foundering  and 
finally  brought  into  port. 

Here  the  Hannah  was  detained  three  or  four 
months  to  await  the  decision  of  the  courts. 
The  vessel  and  her  cargo  were  finally  most  un 
justly  sold  at  auction.  Captain  Brown  bought 
the  vessel  for  eight  hundred  dollars  and  drew  on 
his  partners  for  the  money,  giving  a  bottomry 
bond  on  the  vessel  for  security.  The  Hannah 
then  returned  to  Newburyport  by  way  of 
Martha's  Vineyard. 

[114] 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  VOYAGES 

Captain  Brown  made  several  more  voyages 
to  the  West  Indies  and  South  America  until 
the  naval  war  with  France  broke  out  when  he 
began  his  career  as  a  captain  in  the  regular 
navy. 


[115] 


CHAPTER  XI 

PREPARING    FOR    WAR    WITH    FRANCE 

A  THOUGH   peace   between   the   colonies 
and  the  mother  country  was  proclaimed 
in  the  United  States  April  11,   1783, 
our  merchantmen,  for  a  number  of  years  after 
ward,   found  that  they  were   almost   as  much 
harassed  on  the  high  seas  as  before.     This  was 
owing  largely   to   our  legislators   making   the 
serious  mistake  of  attempting  to  secure  mari 
time  rights  abroad  without  an  adequate  navy 
to  maintain  those  claims. 

The  total  number  of  regular  Continental  war 
ships  in  the  Revolution  (not  including  priva 
teers  or  the  flotilla  on  Lake  Champlain)  was 
forty-seven,  carrying  a  total  of  one  thousand 
guns.  By  the  time  peace  was  declared,  of  these 
forty-seven  war  craft  only  three  remained  and 
these  were  quickly  disposed  of,  so  that  from 
[116] 


FALSE  ECONOMY 

1783  to  1797  the  country  was  without  naval 
protection ;  for  even  the  officers  and  sailors  had 
been  discharged  and  had  sought  new  fields  of 
activity. 

The  folly  of  such  "  economy  "  soon  became 
seriously  apparent.  As  we  have  seen,  in  the 
career  of  Moses  Brown  alone,  his  ship  in  time  of 
peace  had  been  detained  in  an  Irish  port  at  ruin 
ous  loss  of  time  and  money  and  he  was  twice  cap 
tured  by  British  privateers  on  the  high  seas. 
This  is  the  record  of  only  one  seaman.  That 
there  were  many  other  such  instances  is  well 
known.  The  very  fact  that  such  outrages  not 
only  had  been  perpetrated  but  were  likely  to 
become  more  frequent  with  each  repetition, 
compelled  our  merchants  to  incur  the  great  ex 
pense  of  engaging  larger  complements  and  to 
devote  much  of  their  cargo  space  to  the  ac 
commodation  of  heavy  ordnance  and  ammuni 
tion. 

Not  only  English  but  French  privateers  (and 
even  the  cruisers  of  the  piratical  States  of  Bar- 
bary)  seized  our  traders — in  some  instances 

[117] 


PREPARING  FOR  WAR 

detaining  entire  ship  companies  in  prisons  or 
in  slavery  many  months.  In  1794  Edmund 
Randolph  gave  a  list  of  thirty-eight  American 
vessels  which  had  been  taken  and  carried  into 
French  ports  by  French  cruisers  and  privateers. 
We  get  a  better  idea  of  the  humiliating  and 
insecure  position  in  which  the  United  States 
was  placed  by  the  false  economy  of  those  who 
opposed  the  establishment  of  a  navy,  by  the 
following  note  in  an  American  newspaper: 

PORTSMOUTH,  N.  H.,  January  20,  1798. — On  Thursday 
morning  about  sunrise  a  gun  was  discharged  from  the 
frigate  Crescent  as  a  signal  for  getting  under  way  and, 
at  10  A.  M.,  she  cleared  the  harbor  with  a  fine  leading 
breeze.  Our  best  wishes  follow  Captain  Newman,  his 
officers  and  men.  May  they  arrive  in  safety  at  the  place 
of  their  destination  and  present  to  the  Dey  of  Algiers 
one  of  the  finest  specimens  of  elegent  naval  architecture 
which  was  ever  borne  on  the  Piscataqua's  waters. 

The  Crescent  is  a  present  from  the  United  States  to 
the  Dey  of  Algiers  as  a  compensation  for  delay  in  not 
fulfilling  our  treaty  stipulations  in  proper  time.  Rich 
ard  O'Brien,  Esq.,  who  was  ten  years  a  prisoner  at 
Algiers,  took  passage  in  the  above  frigate  and  is  to 
reside  at  Algiers  as  Consul-General  of  the  United 
States  to  all  the  Barbary  States. 

The  Crescent  has  many  valuable  presents  on  board 

[118] 


OUR  FRIGATE  «  CRESCENT " 

for  the  Dey  and  when  she  sailed  was  supposed  to  be 
worth  at  least  three  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Twenty- 
six  barrels  of  dollars  constituted  a  part  of  her  cargo. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  captain,  chief  of  the 
officers  and  many  of  the  privates  of  the  Crescent  frigate 
have  been  prisoners  at  Algiers. 

The  Crescent  belonged  to  that  famous  group 
of  frigates  built  from  1794  to  1800,  which 
formed  the  nucleus  of  our  navy  in  the  war  of 
1812.  They  were  the  44-gun  frigates  United 
States,  Constitution  and  President,  and  the  36- 
gun  frigates  Constellation,  Congress,  Chesa 
peake,  Philadelphia  and  Crescent. 

The  nomenclature  of  these  celebrated  ships 
is  worthy  of  note.  With  the  exception  of  the 
Chesapeake,  they  were  named  after  the  new 
government;  Congress  then  being  in  session  at 
Philadelphia  so  that  city  was  very  properly 
regarded  as  the  capital  of  the  country.  It  was 
a  "  pet "  phrase  in  those  days  to  speak  of  the 
United  States  as  a  "  new  constellation  "  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth,  hence  the  application 
of  the  name  Constellation  to  a  frigate.  The 
Crescent,  of  course,  was  so  named  after  the 
[119] 


PREPARING  FOR  WAR 

national  emblem  of  Turkey,  Algiers  being  a 
tributary  State.  It  was  the  degrading  spectacle 
of  this  land  of  liberty  paying  tribute  to  the 
petty  States  of  Barbary  that  gave  rise  to  that 
famous  exclamation :  "  Millions  for  defense ;  not 
a  penny  for  tribute !  "  Depredations  on  Ameri 
can  commerce  by  French  cruisers  reached  such 
an  extent  that  on  July  7,  1798,  all  our  treaties 
with  that  country  were  abrogated  and  American 
cruisers  were  ordered  to  capture  French  vessels 
when  found  in  the  limits  and,  two  days  after 
ward,  they  were  permitted  to  attack  them  any 
where. 

Steps  had  already  been  taken  to  establish  a 
naval  personnel.  By  an  act  of  June  5,  1794, 
the  following  well-known  men  were  selected  to 
be  captains  in  the  new  navy :  John  Barry,  Sam 
uel  Nicholson,  Silas  Talbot,  Joshua  Barney, 
Richard  Dale  and  Thomas  Truxtun.  On  De 
cember  24,  1798,  according  to  a  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  the  United  States  navy 
consisted  of  two  44-gun  and  one  36-gun  frig 
ates,  four  24-gun  ships,  seven  20-  or  18-gun 
[120] 


THE  NAVY  IN  1798 

ships,  seven  14-  and  12-gun  brigs  or  schooners 
and  one  10-gun  sloop. 

The  following  table  will  be  found  convenient 
for  reference  in  narrative  of  Captain  Brown's 
cruises  in  this  war. 

THE  UNITED  STATES  NAVY  IN  1798. 
RATE.  NAME.  COMMANDER. 

44-gun  United  States Captain  John  Barry. 

44-gun  Constitution Captain  Silas  Talbot. 

36-gun  Constellation Captain  Thomas  Truxtun. 

24-gun  Ganges Captain  Thomas  Tingey. 

24-gun  George  Washington. Captain  Patrick  Fletcher. 

24-gun  Merrimac Captain  Moses  Brown. 

24-gun  Portsmouth Captain  Daniel  McNiell. 

20-gun  Baltimore Captain  Isaac  Phillips. 

20-gun  Delaware .Captain  Stephen  Decatur,  Sr. 

20-gun  Montezuma Captain  Alexander  Murray. 

18-gun  Herald Captain  James  Sever. 

18-gun  Norfolk Captain  Thomas  Williams. 

18-gun  Pinckney Captain  Samuel  Heywood. 

18-gun  Richmond Captain  Samuel  Barron. 

Besides   these   regular   vessels    of   the   navy 

there  were  eight  revenue  cutters,  mounting  from 

ten  to  fourteen  guns.     They  did  very  effective 

service.     Their  names  were:  Diligence,  Eagle, 

[121] 


PREPARING  FOR  WAR 

General    Greene,     Governor    Jay,     Pickering, 
Scammell,  South  Carolina  and  Virginia. 

With  the  exception  of  the  three  frigates  and 
revenue  cutters,  nearly  all  of  these  vessels  were 
merchantmen  hastily  fitted  out  for  the  emer 
gency.  To  officer  and  man  them  the  Govern 
ment  called  on  those  men  who  handled  our  in 
fant  maritime  forces  with  such  masterful  skill 
and  unprecedented  audacity  in  our  struggle  for 
independence.  All  of  these  men  are  well  known 
in  naval  history,  most  of  them  afterward  at 
taining  high  distinction  in  the  service. 


[122] 


CHAPTER  XII 


THE  name  "  Merrimac  "  is  one  that  will 
always  be  famous  in  American  naval 
history.  When  that  bulky  collier  Mer 
rimac  was  carried  into  the  jaws  of  Santiago 
harbor  by  the  gallant  Hobson,  new  luster  was 
added  to  the  glory  of  our  navy.  When,  on 
that  Saturday  morning,  March  8,  1862,  the 
iron-mailed  leviathan  Merrimac  began  her  awful 
work  in  Hampton  Roads,  the  name  sent  un 
speakable  terror  throughout  the  North  and  cor 
responding  joy  throughout  the  Confederacy. 
It  was  the  blackest  night  to  the  one ;  the  bright 
est  day  to  the  other.  Then,  on  the  following 
day,  took  place  that  terrific  struggle  between 
those  hideous,  newly  created  monsters,  the  Moni 
tor  and  the  Merrimac;  the  result  of  which 
[188] 


THE  FIRST  "  MERRIMAC  " 

sounded  the  death  knell  of  wooden  war-ships  the 
world  over. 

In  all,  there  have  been  three  Merrimacs  in  the 
United  States  navy.  Of  the  two  just  mentioned 
nothing  further  need  be  said.  Their  fame  is 
world-wide.  But  of  the  first  Merrimac  little  is 
known,  although  her  career  was  highly  credit 
able  to  the  service  while  the  story  of  her  con 
struction  and  entry  into  the  navy  is  so  singular 
as  to  be  deserving  of  special  notice. 

As  we  have  already  noted,  in  the  last  chapter, 
depredations  on  our  commerce  by  English, 
French  and  Barbary  cruisers  continued  long 
after  the  nominal  cessation  of  hostilities  be 
tween  the  colonies  and  England  and,  finally,  be 
came  so  serious  that  Congress  was  compelled  to 
create  a  new  navy. 

The  seaports  of  New  England  seem  to  have 
been  the  principal  sufferers  in  these  outrages 
and  they  were  the  first  to  take  steps  looking 
toward  relief.  Our  Government,  at  this  time, 
was  sadly  embarrassed  for  want  of  money  and 
was  in  the  generally  chaotic  state  of  every  or- 
[124] 


PATRIOTISM— IN    1798 

ganization  in  its  initial  stage.  At  Salem 
the  leading  men  met  in  the  court-house,  Octo 
ber,  1798,  and  passed  resolutions  with  the  re 
sult  that  the  famous  32-gun  frigate  Essex  was 
built  at  the  expense  of  a  few  citizens  and  pre 
sented  to  the  Government.  But  some  months 
before  this  patriotic  move  on  the  part  of  the 
Salemites,  the  merchants  of  Newburyport  had 
preconceived  a  similar  idea.  In  the  columns  of 
a  local  newspaper,  under  the  caption  "  Pa 
triotic  Letter,"  dated  June  1,  1798,  we  have  an 
interesting  account  of  how  the  first  Merrimac 
came  into  existence.  The  letter  was  addressed 
to  the  Hon.  Bailey  Bartlett,  of  Haverhill,  who 
represented  the  Salem  district  in  Congress: 

Sir:  A  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  have 
agreed  to  build  and  equip  a  ship  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty-five  tons  to  be  mounted  with  twenty  6-pounder  can 
non  and  to  offer  her  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  for  its  use.  They  have  also  voted  that  they  will 
not  accept  of  any  other  or  further  compensation  from 
the  Government  than  an  interest  of  six  per  cent,  on  the 
net  cost  of  the  ship  and  equipment  and  a  final  reimburse 
ment  at  the  convenience  of  the  Government  of  the  said 
net  cost;  and  they  have  appointed  us  a  committee  to 

[125] 


THE  FIRST  "  MERRIMAC  " 

inform  you  of  their  intention  and  to  request  you  to  pro 
mote  a  provision  whereby  they  may  be  enabled  to  carry 
their  designs  into  execution  by  the  countenance  of 
Government,  so  far  as  the  same  shall  appear  neces 
sary. 

As  we  indulge  in  a  hope  that  this  intention  of  the  citi 
zens  of  Newburyport  will  lead  to  proportionate  exertion 
in  larger  and  wealthier  towns,  we  beg  leave  to  suggest  the 
convenience  that  any  provision  which  may  be  thought 
proper  and  applicable  to  this  case  might  be  made  gen 
eral.  The  inhabitants  of  the  town  at  the  present  moment 
are  animated  with  the  most  zealous  purpose  to  support 
and  defend  with  their  lives  and  property  the  Government 
of  their  country,  as  well  against  the  open  attacks  of 
foreign  enemies  as  the  insidious  attempts  of  domestic 
traitors.  They  heartily  wish  their  abilities  extended 
beyond  the  present  oifer,  but  the  immense  ravages  which 
have  been  committed  on  their  property  by  sea,  and  the 
present  of  the  remnant  yet  at  risk,  forbids  the  further 
indulgence  of  their  inclinations.  It  may  be  that  with  an 
act  of  Government,  authorizing  the  Executive  to  pur 
chase  ships  of  war,  the  proposal  may  be  closed  without 
legislative  aid.  If  such  should  be  your  opinion,  we  wish 
you  to  lay  the  plan  before  the  Executive,  and  we  shall 
be  the  more  gratified  in  this  way,  as  the  whole  business 
may  probably  be  thus  considerably  expedited. 

The  materials  are  already  in  forwardness,  and  pro 
visional  contracts  will  be  entered  into,  so  that  probably 
in  ninety  days  from  our  receiving  assurance  that  Gov 
ernment  patronizes  our  design,  the  ship  may  be  afloat. 
The  best  calculations  we  have  been  able  to  make  of  the 
whole  expense  reduces  it  below  thirty  thousand  dollars, 

[126] 


A    HANDSOME    OFFER 

and  if  the  utmost  attention  to  economy  and  despatch 
can  affect  anything,  the  cost  will  fall  considerably  within 
that  sum. 

Among  the  good  effects  of  the  present  proposal,  we 
have  contemplated  that  in  this  way  Government  may,  at 
this  period,  when  so  many  calls  for  money  exists,  procure 
the  means  of  defense  without  actual  advances;  perhaps 
with  more  promptitude  and  undoubtedly  with  consid 
erably  less  expense  than  in  the  common  contract  mode  of 
contracts. 

With  wishes  for  your  health  and  happiness,  we 
are,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servants, 

WILLIAM  BARTLETT, 
WILLIAM  COOMBS, 
DUDLEY  A.  TYNG, 
MOSES  BROWN, 
WILLIAM  P.  JOHNSON, 
NICHOLAS  JOHNSON, 
EBENEZER  STOCKER, 
SAMUEL  A.  OTIS,  JR. 
HON.  BAILEY  BARTLETT. 


This  handsome  offer  was  promptly  accepted, 
and  without  loss  of  time  work  was  begun. 
Within  seventy-five  working  days  from  the  time 
the  keel  was  laid,  the  vessel  was  launched,  on 
October  12th.  William  Hackett  superintended 
[127] 


THE  FIRST  "  MERRIMAC  " 

the  construction,  while  William  Cross  and 
Thomas  M.  Clark  were  the  contractors. 

Hackett  at  that  time  was  one  of  the  best  ship 
builders  in  the  world.  When  he  undertook  the 
Merrimac  his  reputation  had  become  well  es 
tablished — extending  beyond  the  seas.  It  was 
he  who  built  the  superb  Alliance  which  took 
part  in  the  famous  Bonhomme  Richard-Serapis 
fight,  September  23,  1799.  At  the  time,  there 
was  not  a  finer  war-ship  of  her  class  afloat. 
When  the  Government  ordered  the  Alliance, 
other  shipwrights  hesitated  to  undertake  her 
construction,  for  the  fate  of  the  Revolution 
was  then  trembling  in  the  balance,  and  it  was 
far  from  a  certainty  that  the  work  would  ever 
be  paid  for.  William  Hackett  undertook  the 
contract,  and  turned  out  one  of  the  most  suc 
cessful  vessels  in  our  first  navy.  The  spot 
where  the  Alliance  was  built  is  marked  by  a 
bronze  tablet  given  by  the  Town  Improvement 
Society  of  Newburyport. 

Hackett  had  also  built  the  highly  successful 
privateers  Intrepid  (which  we  have  already 
[128] 


WILLIAM    HACKETT 

noted  as  having  once  been  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Brown)  and  Tyrannicide.  Besides 
contriving  two  fire-rafts  for  the  defense  of 
Salisbury  against  a  possible  attack  by  British 
naval  forces,  Hackett,  in  1787,  built,  at  Quincy, 
Mass.,  the  largest  merchant  ship  that  had  ever 
been  launched  in  the  United  States  down  to  that 
period.  "  She  created  quite  a  sensation  at  the 
time;  people  of  every  rank  came  to  see  and 
admire  her.  On  her  arrival  at  Batavia  and 
Canton  the  commanders  of  English  and  Dutch 
vessels  came  on  board  and  acknowledged  her 
to  be  the  handsomest  vessel  in  the  two  ports." 

It  was  Hackett  who  built  the  famous  frig 
ate  Essex,  which,  after  her  capture  by  the 
British  squadron  at  Valparaiso  in  1814,  was 
taken  to  England,  and  was  used  as  a  model  by 
their  shipwrights.  Hackett  also  had  the  unique 
distinction  of  owning  what  was  probably  the 
nearest  approach  to  an  automobile  in  the 
eighteenth  century.  It  is  recorded  that  in  1762 
he  bought  for  his  wife  Nanna  (daughter  of 
Captain  William  Osgood)  a  "  Top  Shase  for 
[129] 


THE  FIRST  «  MERRIMAC  " 

which  he  paid  one  hundred  pounds.  This  was 
probably  the  first  chaise  owned  in  Salisbury. 
He  had  his  initials  '  W.  H.'  painted  on  the 
back."  This  chaise  was  the  subject  of  vivacious 
discussion  in  the  local  sewing  circles  for  three 
consecutive  winters. 

It  is  difficult,  in  these  days  of  a  cosmopolitan 
population,  to  appreciate  the  intense  patriot 
ism  that  animated  our  people  in  the  early 
stages  of  our  national  history.  We  get  some 
inkling  of  it  in  the  few  extracts  from  a  local 
newspaper  printed  at  the  time,  relative  to  the 
construction  of  the  Merrimac.  The  paper  bears 
date  of  July  6>  1798,  and  the  following  extract 
refers  to  the  preceding  Fourth  of  July  cele 
bration  :  "  The  twenty-third  anniversary  of  our 
independence  was  celebrated  in  this  town  [New- 
buryport]  with  greater  spirit  and  unanimity 
than  ever  before.  The  day  was  ushered  in  with 
martial  music,  the  discharge  of  artillery  and 
the  ringing  of  bells.  All  the  shipping  in  the 
harbor  and  many  of  the  buildings  of  the  town 
were  decorated  with  American  flags.  A  public 
[130] 


A   PATRIOTIC    PARADE 

dinner  was  provided  at  the  hall  on  Deer  Island, 
of  which  a  large  number  of  gentlemen  partook. 

"  In  the  afternoon  a  large  number  of  our 
young  men  (which  was  the  most  animating 
feature  of  the  day)  were  formed  on  State  Street 
with  a  respectable  band  of  music  at  their  head 
under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  S.  Holyoke.  Cap 
tain  Moses  Brown  accidentally  appearing  as  the 
young  men  were  forming,  was  saluted  with 
three  cheers  and  unanimously  requested  to  lead 
the  procession,  to  which  he  obligingly  con 
sented. 

"  They  first  moved  down  the  street  to  the  Fed 
eral  Street  shipyard,  where  a  large  number  of 
men  were  at  work  on  the  20-gun  ship  \Merri- 
mac\  now  building  for  the  use  of  the  Govern 
ment,  when  Captain  Brown  addressed  them  in 
the  following  words : '  Gentlemen :  This  being  the 
anniversary  of  the  independence  and  sover 
eignty  of  our  nation,  which  our  predecessors 
gained  with  their  lives  and  their  fortunes,  I 
trust  their  sons  will  ever  defend  them  with 
theirs ;  and  you,  gentlemen,  being  employed  in 
[131] 


THE  FIRST  "  MERRIMAC  " 

the  laudable  business  of  building  a  ship  for  this 
purpose,  the  gentlemen  forming  the  procession 
have  thought  fit  to  make  this  our  first  stand 
and  give  you  the  salutation  of  three  cheers.' 

"  The  procession  then  moved  through  the 
principal  streets  of  the  town,  and  as  they  passed 
the  houses  of  those  who  patriotically  set  on 
foot  the  subscription  for  the  ship,  they  repeated 
the  salutation  of  grateful  cheers.  Every  coun 
tenance  seemed  animated  by  that  virtuous  ardor 
which  in  men  who  feel  themselves  free,  and  are 
determined  to  support  the  independence  of  their 
country  at  the  hazard  of  their  all,  appears  with 
grandeur  and  effect  inconceivable  to  those  who 
have  not  seen  it." 

Referring  to  the  appointment  of  Captain 
Brown  to  the  command  of  this  vessel,  the  New- 
buryport  Herald  of  September  11,  1798,  says: 
"  No  appointment  in  our  growing  navy  has 
given  more  genuine  satisfaction  than  that  of 
Captain  Moses  Brown  to  the  command  of  the 
fine  20-gun  ship  now  building  in  this  town. 
The  work  progresses  rapidly  and  the  best 
[132] 


DAY    OF    THE    LAUNCHING 

judges  pronounce  it  to  be  as  well  done  as  that 
of  any  ship  ever  built  in  so  short  a  time.  She 
will  undoubtedly  be  launched  by  the  10th  of  next 
month,  as  she  is  planked  up  and  the  gun  deck 
laid." 

The  day  of  launching  was,  of  course,  long 
remembered  in  Newburyport.  The  enterpris 
ing  Herald,  under  date  of  October  12th,  said: 
"  This  day  at  fifteen  minutes  past  one  [o'clock] 
our  beautiful,  patriotic  ship  majestically  de 
scended  from  her  native  land  to  the  embrace 
of  the  watery  god  without  the  least  accident. 
She  is  called  the  MerrimacTc,  and  will  mount 
twenty  9-  and  eight  6-pounders.  She  is  finely 
coppered,  and  the  best  judges  say  she  will  not 
suffer  by  comparison  with  the  finest  vessels  of 
her  size  ever  built.  Captain  William  Hackett, 
the  constructor,  and  Major  Cross,  the  contrac 
tor,  are  entitled  to  all  the  merit  which  can  be 
attached  to  the  profession. 

"  Her  [figure]  head  is  a  group  composed  of 
an  eagle  supported  on  one  side  by  a  figure 
representing  Commerce  and  on  the  other  by  a 
[133] 


THE  FIRST  «  MERRIMAC  " 

beautiful  female,  strikingly  emblematic  of 
Justice,  and  in  front  are  borne  the  arms  of  the 
United  States.  The  design  is  excellent  and 
does  honor  to  the  artist,  Mr.  Bearing,  of  Ports 
mouth.  A  vast  concourse  of  people  attended, 
to  be  witnesses  of  the  interesting  scene.  A 
Federal  salute  from  the  artillery  pieces  an 
nounced  to  distant  friends  the  happy  issue  of 
the  launch.  The  keel  of  the  ship  was  laid  on 
the  9th  of  July,  since  which  there  have  been 
seventy-four  working  days,  and  we  have  pre 
sumed  to  say  that  from  the  spirit  which  has 
attended  the  business,  she  will  be  ready  for  sea 
in  fourteen  days,  as  numbers  of  the  hardy  sons 
of  Neptune  stand  ready  to  enlist  under  her 
worthy  commander,  and  who  have  long  been 
waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  manifest  their 
zeal  and  ability  in  defense  of  their  injured 
country  and  seafaring  brethren." 

Samuel  Swett,  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  the 
launching,  recorded,  in  1846,  that  the  Merrimac 
rode  "  on  the  tide  swan-like,  buoyant  and  beau 
tiful;  her  tall  masts  soaring  aloft  to  meet  the 
[134] 


A    SPLENDID    VESSEL 

lightest  zephyr  " — this,  of  course,  must  have 
been  some  days  after  the  launching,  when  the 
masts  had  been  stepped. 

Although  the  committee,  which  had  presented 
the  proposal  of  building  the  Merrimac  to  their 
Congressman,  had  promised  a  ship  of  only 
three  hundred  and  fifty-five  tons,  on  launching 
the  cruiser  was  found  to  be  of  four  hundred 
and  sixty-seven  tons.  Instead  of  only  twenty 
6-pounders  she  was  mounted  with  twenty  9- 
pounders  and  eight  6-pounders — a  very  heavy 
armament  for  a  ship  of  her  class  in  those  days. 
She  was  rated  at  the  Navy  Department  as  a 
"  24-gun  sloop-of-war,"  the  ratings  usually 
being  below  the  actual  number  of  guns  carried. 

A  contemporary  writer  said  of  her :  "  The 
Merrimac  was  the  first  and  best  vessel  of  her 
size  furnished  on  loan  to  the  Government  and 
was  built  at  a  much  less  expense  than  any  other 
built  for  the  Government.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  river  towns  and  vicinity  seemed  in  danger  of 
falling  in  love  with  their  ship,  as  the  sculptor  did 
with  his  statue,  and  when  we  consider  that  all  of 
[135] 


THE  FIRST  "  MERRIMAC  " 

her  officers  were  citizens  of  Newburyport,  and 
that  her  commander  was  as  great  a  favorite  as 
his  ship,  the  deep  and  inexpressible  interest  this 
single  ship  inspired  can  hardly  be  imagined." 

Her  officers  were:  Moses  Brown,  commander; 
Michael  Titcomb  and  Samuel  Chase,  first  and 
second  lieutenant;  Jonathan  Titcomb,  sailing 
master;  Joseph  Brown,  Nathan  Fletcher,  Ben- 
j  amin  Whitmore,  midshipmen ;  Nathaniel  Brad- 
street,  surgeon.  That  the  claim  that  the  Mer- 
rimac  was  built  "  at  a  much  less  expense  than 
any  other  [24-gun  sloop-of-war  of  that  year] 
for  the  Government "  is  well  substantiated,  is 
shown  in  the  following  table: 

24-gun  sloop-of-war  Connecticut $57,260 

24-gun  sloop-of-war  Ganges , 80,665 

24-gun  sloop-of-war  George  Washington 69,025 

24-gun  sloop-of-war  Portsmouth 59,560 

24-gun  sloop-of-war  Merrimac 46,170 


[136] 


CHAPTER  XIII 

ON    THE    SCENE    OF    HOSTILITIES 

ALTHOUGH     the     Merrimac     had     been 
/— %   launched  October  12,  1798,  so  rapidly 
was  the  work  of  equipment  pushed  that 
she  was  ready  to  sail  on  a  cruise  January  1st  of 
the  following  year.     By  that  time  our  naval 
war  against  France  had  been  under  way  nearly 
six  months.     Many  captures  of  French  armed 
craft  had  been  made,  with  the  result  that   a 
larger   number  of  American   vessels   had  ven 
tured  to  sea. 

Early  in  the  year  1799  the  Government  put 
into  operation  a  comprehensive  plan  for  the 
protection  of  our  commerce  and  the  extermina 
tion  of  French  privateers,  which  had  been  so  suc 
cessfully  plying  their  trade  in  the  West  Indies. 
The  entire  naval  force  of  the  infant  republic 
was  massed  in  these  waters  and,  headed  by  the 
[137] 


SCENE  OP  HOSTILITIES 

massive  frigates  Constitution,  United  States 
and  Constellation,  a  brave  showing  they  made. 

One  squadron  under  the  immediate  command 
of  Captain  John  Barry,  in  the  United  States, 
had  its  rendezvous  at  Prince  Rupert's  Bay, 
with  orders  to  cruise  windward  of  St.  Kitts, 
and  as  far  south  as  Barbadoes  and  Tobago.  It 
consisted  of  the  flagship  United  States;  the 
Constitution,  Captain  Samuel  Nicholson;  the 
George  Washington,  Captain  Patrick  Fletcher 
(whom  we  remember  as  having  once  served 
under  Captain  Moses  Brown)  ;  the  Merrimac, 
Captain  Moses  Brown;  the  Portsmouth,  Cap 
tain  Daniel  McNiell;  the  Pickering,  Master- 
Commandant  Edward  Preble ;  the  Eagle,  Lieu 
tenant  Hugh  George  Campbell;  the  Herald, 
Lieutenant  Charles  C.  Russell;  the  Scammell, 
Lieutenant  J.  Adams ;  and  the  Diligence,  Lieu 
tenant  John  Brown. 

A  second  squadron  under  Captain  Truxtun 

in  the  Constellation,  was  directed  to  cruise  in 

the  vicinity   of   Porto   Rico,    St.    Martin   and 

Virgin    Gorda.     It    consisted    of   the   flagship 

[138] 


SCENE  OF  HOSTILITIES 

Constellation,  the  Baltimore,  Captain  Isaac 
Phillips;  the  Norfolk,  Captain  Thomas  Wil 
liams  ;  the  Richmond,  Captain  Samuel  Barren ; 
and  the  Virginia,  Captain  Francis  Bright. 
How  thoroughly  these  two  squadrons  scoured 
the  sea  in  this  part  of  the  West  Indies  is  en 
gagingly  set  forth  in  the  original  log  of  the 
Merrimac,  which  was  kept  by  Midshipman 
Joseph  Brown  (a  son  of  Captain  Brown)  of 
that  ship. 

The  logbook  itself  is  one  of  singular  beauty, 
a  reduced  facsimile  of  the  title-page  and  of 
one  other  page  being  given  in  this  work. 
Evidently  the  book  was  printed  especially  for 
the  Merrimac.  Each  one  of  the  one  hundred 
and  seventy  pages  is  elaborately  ornamented, 
and,  though  somewhat  stained  with  over  one 
hundred  years  of  existence,  the  paper  is  still 
in  good  condition,  the  print  remarkably  clear, 
while  the  daily  entries  (though  somewhat 
faded)  are  made  in  ink  and  are  legible  to  the 
last  letter.  The  entire  work  is  an  excellent 
model  of  faithful  and  intelligent  sea-recording. 
[140] 


Hours. 


SAILING   FROM    BOSTON 

As  many  overlooked  items  of  historical  and 
popular  interest  are  brought  to  light  in  this 
log,  a  digest  of  it  will  be  here  given.  Under 
date  of  January  3,  1799,  young  Brown  re 
cords  :  "  At  1  p.  M.  weighed  our  anchors  and 
made  sail  [from  Boston]  in  company  with  two 
ships.  At  &  P.  M.  discharged  our  pilot.  At 
4  P.  M.  Boston  Lighthouse  distant  about  twelve 
miles,  from  which  I  take  my  departure." 

The  "  point  of  departure  "  was  an  important 
feature  in  the  navigation  of  those  days.  It- 
formed  the  base  on  which  mariners  reckoned 
their  position  from  the  time  land  was  lost  sight 
of  till  they  again  sighted  terra  firma,  at  the 
other  end  of  the  voyage. 

It  was  a  dull  winter's  afternoon  when  the 
Merrimac  left  Boston,  on  this,  her  maiden  ven 
ture.  Though  the  breeze  was  moderate,  the 
weather  was  cloudy,  accompanied  by  snow 
squalls  and,  as  night  fell  over  the  sea,  it  came 
on  to  a  steady  snow,  leaving  the  ship  enshrouded 
in  a  pall  of  darkness,  which  only  those  who 
have  been  at  sea  during  a  snowstorm  at  night 


SCENE  OF  HOSTILITIES 
can  understand.  It  certainly  was  not  a  situ 
ation  calculated  to  enliven  the  spirits  of  the 
crew.  At  best,  the  first  night  in  a  ship  after 
leaving  port  is  one  in  which  there  is  much  con 
fusion.  It  requires  time,  even  in  old  ships'  com 
panies,  to  "  shake  down  "  again  to  sea  routine. 

In  the  Merrimac's  case  the  situation  was  es 
pecially  trying.  The  ship  was  new  in  hull, 
rigging  and  armament ;  the  crew  was  newly  en 
listed — doubtless  many  green  hands  prostrated 
by  seasickness;  the  officers  had  not  associated 
together  in  ship  duty,  and  had  not  had  time  in 
which  to  inspire  that  confidence  in  each  other 
so  necessary  to  the  perfect  handling  of  a  ship's 
company.  Furthermore,  the  mission  on  which 
the  ship  was  going  was  a  new  one — new,  at 
least,  to  most  of  her  people. 

Under  such  conditions  we  can  easily  imagine 
that,  as  the  Merrimac  blindly  plowed  her  way 
over  the  turbulent  sea  that  blackest  of  black 
nights — dismally  creaking  and  groaning  in  her 
timbers  and  new  rig — her  officers  anxiously 
watched  each  rope,  the  set  of  every  sail,  the 


A    SCENE    OF   ANXIETY 

sway  of  every  spar,  the  slack  of  every  shroud. 
Possibly,  in  the  general  confusion  of  leaving 
port  the  deck-lanterns  had  been  misplaced. 
Or,  if  lighted,  their  feeble  rays  only  served  to 
render  the  surrounding  gloom  deeper  and  the 
inboard  shadows  blacker.  The  forms  of  many 
men,  prostrated  by  sickness,  lying  about  the 
decks,  the  disordered  arrangement  of  the  ropes, 
cannon,  baggage,  provisions;  the  encumber- 
ment  of  sails,  buckets,  small  arms ;  the  decks 
slippery  with  snow  and  a  howling  gale  shriek 
ing  through  the  rigging,  all  conspired  to  create 
a  scene  of  anxiety  and  horror. 

All  through  that  black  night  the  sloop-of- 
war  rushed  over  the  dark,  snow-enshrouded  bil 
lows,  each  lunging  roll,  each  rising  header  car 
rying  her  nearer  to  her  goal.  Had  she 
collided  with  another  craft  that  night  we  could 
readily  understand  how  easy  it  is  to  "  leave  port 
and  never  be  heard  from  again." 

By  dawn  of  day  the  Merrimac  was  one  hun 
dred  miles  from  Boston.  Although  it  was  still 
snowing  and  there  was  a  "  large  sea  on,"  Cap- 
[143] 


SCENE  OF  HOSTILITIES 

tain  Brown  had  "  all  sail  set,"  and  reduced 
only  when  night  came  on.  A  weakness  was 
discovered  in  the  topgallant  yard.  It  was 
promptly  sent  down,  corrected  and  replaced 
the  next  day,  so  that  on  January  5th  the  ship 
made  the  truly  creditable  run  of  over  two  hun 
dred  miles,  or  a  total  of  nearly  four  hundred 
from  Boston  in  fifty  hours. 

On  the  fifth  day  the  Merrimac  had  come 
within  the  influence  of  the  Gulf  Stream  and  ex 
perienced  one  of  the  peculiar  dangers  to  navi 
gation  of  that  day.  She  had  left  Boston  in 
the  dead  of  a  New  England  winter,  when  the 
mercury  was  having  a  chilly  flirtation  with  the 
zero  point,  and  in  five  days  found  herself  in 
the  semi-tropical  latitude  of  Bermuda.  Nearly 
all  of  her  rigging  was  of  hemp  rope  and,  al 
though  it  had  been  taut  in  Boston,  the 
warm  influence  of  the  Gulf  Stream  caused  it 
to  slacken,  so  as  to  give  her  spars  little  or  no 
support.  Should  she  be  overtaken  by  a  heavy 
gale  while  in  that  condition  there  was  great 
danger  of  rolling  her  masts  out;  even  in  a 
[144] 


SAIL   HO! 

moderate  sea.  It  was  to  guard  against  such 
a  catastrophe  that  Captain  Brown,  on  Janu 
ary  7th,  "  employed  all  hands  setting  up  the 
rigging."  Nowadays,  this  danger  is  largely 
avoided  by  having  all  standing  rigging  made 
of  iron  or  steel. 

Scarcely  had  this  task  been  accomplished 
when  the  first  sail  since  leaving  port  was  dis 
covered.  It  was  to  windward,  and  Captain 
Brown  at  once  began  beating  up  to  her.  The 
stranger,  evidently,  was  anxious  to  avoid  a 
meeting  and  made  sail  to  escape.  The  chase 
lasted  all  day.  Before  evening  it  came  on  a 
"  heavy  gale  and  rain,"  so  that  the  chase  was 
lost  to  view,  but  throughout  that  night  the 
war-ship  thrashed  to  windward  in  blind  pursuit ; 
hoping  to  obtain  another  view  of  the  stranger 
at  daybreak. 

About  at  midnight  the  wind  suddenly  shifted 
in  the  Merrlmac's  favor,  and  in  a  short  time  she 
was  "  scudding  before  a  heavy  gale,  goose- 
winged,"  that  is,  with  studding  sails  set  on 
each  side.  Much  to  the  disappointment  of  all> 
[145] 


SCENE  OF  HOSTILITIES 

when  day  returned,  no  trace  of  the  stranger 
was  seen,  but  the  Merrimac  persisted  in  the 
chase.  By  noon  the  weather  moderated,  but 
it  was  still  cloudy,  so  that  it  was  impossible  to 
see  very  far.  At  half -past  eight  o'clock  that 
night,  just  after  a  rain  squall  had  passed  over, 
the  weather  lifted,  and  the  stranger  was  dis 
covered.  Captain  Brown  immediately  altered 
his  course  and,  by  putting  on  a  heavy  pressure 
of  sail,  managed  to  keep  her  in  sight  through 
out  the  night,  and  on  the  following  morning — 
the  American  crew  all  the  time  being  at  quar 
ters — came  within  gunshot.  Not  wishing  to 
injure  a  possible  friend  Captain  Brown  re 
frained  from  firing,  and  by  3  p.  M.,  ran  along 
side  and  boarded.  The  chase  proved  to  be  the 
English  merchant  ship  Carterett,  John  Tre- 
ludden,  master,  bound  for  Falmouth.  The 
Carterett  had  mistaken  the  Merrimac  for  a 
French  war-ship. 

Although  disappointed  at  not  meeting  an 
enemy,  the  chase  had  been  an  exciting  one  and 
had  given  the  green  crew  that  much-to-be- 


A  CHASE 

desired  opportunity  of  drilling  under  actual 
war  conditions.  Resuming  her  course  south 
ward,  the  Merrimac,  at  nine  o'clock  on  the  fol 
lowing  morning,  January  10th,  discovered  an 
other  sail  and,  shaking  out  her  reefs,  gave  chase. 
At  11.30  A.  M.  she  came  up  with  her  and,  on 
boarding,  found  her  to  be  the  brig  Three 
Friends,  William  Blanchard,  master,  from 
Thomastown  bound  for  Barbadoes,  eleven  days 
out.  As  she  was  English  property  Captain 
Brown  allowed  her  to  proceed. 

For  the  two  days  following  the  weather  was 
hazy  and  fitful,  with  frequent  rain  squalls.  As 
the  ship  had  now  reached  a  point  some  eight  hun 
dred  miles  further  south  and,  consequently  was 
in  much  warmer  weather,  it  again  became  neces 
sary  to  "  set  up  the  rigging."  This  work  en 
gaged  all  hands  through  the  afternoon  of  the 
12th. 

From  January  13th  to  the  16th,  inclusive, 

the  Merrimac  enjoyed  fairly  good  weather  in 

her  course  southward,  the  ship  logging  about 

two  hundred  miles  a  day.    On  the  last  day  men- 

[147] 


SCENE  OF  HOSTILITIES 

tioned,  Captain  Brown  exercised  his  crew  by 
going  "  through  the  maneuvers  of  a  sham 
action."  Realizing  that  he  was  now  nearing 
that  part  of  the  West  Indies  where  he  might, 
at  any  moment,  expect  to  meet  the  enemy,  he 
improved  the  moderate  weather  of  the  next  few 
days  by  daily  exercise  of  the  crew  at  the  great 
guns,  small  arms  and  rapid  maneuvering  of 
the  ship,  as  if  in  action.  On  the  evening  of 
January  18th  the  island  of  Dominica  was 
sighted,  and  at  six  o'clock  on  the  following 
morning  "  we  saw  the  High  land  of  Guade 
loupe." 

The  Merrimac  was  now  close  to  the  rendez 
vous  to  which  she  had  been  ordered,  Prince 
Rupert's  Bay,  in  the  island  of  Dominica,  and 
an  extraordinary  lookout  was  maintained  not 
only  for  French  war-ships  and  merchantmen, 
but  for  our  own  ships,  in  order  to  avoid  an 
action  with  them  by  mistake  on  a  dark  night. 
We  discover  this  precaution  in  the  frequent 
entries  in  the  Merrimac's  log  of  such  data  as 
the  following:  "At  7  P.M.  the  Saints  bore 
[148] 


EXTRA   PRECAUTIONS 

northwest.  At  midnight  [January  19-20]  the 
north  point  of  Dominica  distant  three  leagues. 
At  half-past  1  A.  M.  hove-to.  At  2  A.  M.  saw 
two  sail  to  leeward.  Bore  away  and  made  sail 
for  the  high  land  of  Dominica.  At  9  A.  M. 
hove-to,  and  the  first  lieutenant  [Michael  Tit- 
comb]  went  ashore  to  the  fort  [probably  seek 
ing  information  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the 
American  fleet].  At  ten  o'clock  the  boat  re 
turned.  Bore  away  again.  At  eleven  tacked 
ship  several  times." 

All  these  unusual  details  in  the  log  indicate 
plainly  enough  that  the  Merrimac  was  now 
on  the  scene  of  immediate  action  and  that 
extra  caution  was  necessary  in  her  maneu 
vers  —  especially  as  it  was  known  that 
several  large  FrencE  frigates  were  in  the 
vicinity. 

The  next  entry  in  the  log,  that  of  the  fol 
lowing  day,  reads :  "  First  part  [of  the  day] 
pleasant  weather.  At  1  p.  M.  bore  away  for 
two  large  ships.  Ran  within  one  and  a  half 
leagues  of  the  same  and  showed  our  signals 
[149] 


SCENE  OF  HOSTILITIES 

but  they,  not  answering  them,  at  2  p.  M.  hauled 
our  wind  and  made  sail  for  Dominica.  At  5 
p.  M.  came-to  in  Prince  Rupert's  Bay,  and 
moored  ship,  the  Captain  going  on  shore. 
Saw  a  large  ship  running  down  the  north  side 
of  the  island. 

"  January  21st. — Took  on  board  thirty- 
seven  casks  of  water  and  one  boat-load  of  bal 
last  to  trim  the  ship.  There  arrived  from  a 
cruise  [in  this  port]  the  British  frigate  Pearl, 
Captain  Ballard." 

That  Captain  Brown  had  reached  Prince 
Rupert's  Bay  and  had  found  none  of  our  ships 
at  that  rendezvous,  occasioned  some  anxiety,  for 
the  sloop-of-war  Merrimac  would  have  had 
little  chance  if  once  she  got  under  the  guns  of 
one  of  the  French  corvets  or  frigates  that  were 
cruising  in  these  parts.  With  a  view  to  falling 
in  with  some  of  our  ships,  and  thus  learning 
where  the  fleet  was,  Captain  Brown  determined 
to  make  several  short  runs;  having  Prince  Ru 
pert's  Bay  for  his  base. 

Accordingly,  at  seven  o'clock  on  the  morning 
[150] 


UNDER  FIRE 

of  January  22d  he  "  unmoored  ship ;  at  9  A.  M. 
got  under  way ;  set  all  sail  on  the  wind.  Plying 
to  windward  and  tacking  ship  occasionally. 
At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  saw  a 
sloop.  Gave  her  a  gun,  brought  her  to  and 
boarded.  She  was  from  Roseau  bound  for  the 
Saints." 

During  the  next  forty-eight  hours  the  Mer- 
rlmac  plied  to  windward  and  tacked  occasion 
ally,  waiting  to  get  some  news  of  the  squadron. 
At  noon,  January  23d,  she  had  worked  her  way 
north  of  Dominica  and,  standing  in  too  close 
to  the  French  island  of  Marie  Galante,  she  re 
ceived  two  shots  from  the  fort  which,  however, 
did  no  damage. 

By  daybreak,  January  &5th,  Captain  Brown 
had  so  far  worked  his  way  to  windward  as  to 
sight  the  island  of  Desirade  and  at  six  o'clock 
in  the  evening  sighted  and  gave  chase  to  a  sail 
which  bore  away  for  the  Merrimac  as  if  anxious 
to  meet  her.  Shortly  afterward  Captain  Brown 
showed  his  signals  which  were  answered  and  at 
eleven  o'clock,  being  within  hailing  distance, 
[151] 


SCENE  OF  HOSTILITIES 

found  the  stranger  to  be  the  George  Washing- 
ton.  In  a  short  time  Captain  Brown  was  snugly 
ensconced  in  the  George  Washington's  cabin 
learning  all  the  news  from  his  old  shipmate, 
Captain  Patrick  Fletcher. 


[152] 


CHAPTER  XIV 

CONVOYING    A    GREAT    FLEET 

A  FTER  cruising  in  the  vicinity  of  Desirade 
/-\  and  Marie  Galante,  in  company  with 
the  George  Washington,  for  two  days, 
the  Merrlmac  returned  to  Prince  Rupert's  Bay 
where  she  found  the  flagship  United  States  and 
Constitution  at  anchor.  Captain  Brown  now 
learned  that  a  number  of  American  merchant 
men  from  various  points  in  the  West  Indies  and 
South  America  were  making  for  Prince  Rupert's 
Bay,  where  they  were  to  be  formed  in  a  great 
fleet  and  escorted  home;  the  Merrimac  having 
been  selected  as  the  convoying  ship. 

From  January  28th  to  February  2d  the 
Merrimac  took  in  casks  of  water  and  stone  bal 
last,  preparatory  to  her  long  voyage.  At  four 
o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  February  2d,  the 
United  States  signaled  the  ships  to  get  under 
[153] 


CONVOYING  A  GREAT  FLEET 

way  anck  followed  by  the  Constitution,  Merri- 
mac  and  George  Washington,  and  the  mer 
chantmen,  they  moved  out  of  the  roads  in  an  im 
posing  array.  The  fleet  put  into  the  port  of 
Martinique  to  await  the  arrival  of  other  mer 
chantmen  ;  meantime  the  men-of-war  made  short 
cruises. 

At  eleven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  February 
7th,  while  the  Merrimac  was  thirty-five  miles  to 
north  of  the  Desirade,  a  sail  was  discovered 
northward,  to  which  chase  was  given.  As  the 
stranger  proved  to  be  a  remarkably  fast  sailer, 
the  chase  lasted  all  the  following  night  and  well 
into  the  next  day.  At  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  the  Merrimac  fell  in  with  the  Consti 
tution  and  was  informed  that  she  had  spoke  the 
chase,  which  was  a  British  packet  from  Antigua 
to  Barbadoes. 

Scarcely  a  day  now  passed  without  some  ex 
citing  incident,  which  kept  the  men  in  the 
squadron  at  quarters  most  of  the  time.  A  few 
extracts  from  the  log  will  give  a  better  idea  of 
the  excitement : "  At  &  P.  M.,  February  9th,  saw 
[154] 


KEEPING  A   SHARP   LOOKOUT 

the  Constitution  on  our  lee  bow,  under  full  sail, 
in  chase  of  a  schooner  to  windward.  We  let  out 
our  reefs,  set  all  sail  and  joined  in  the  chase. 
Night  coming  on,  we  lost  sight  of  the  ship  and 
gave  it  up. 

"  February  llth. — At  4  p.  M.  saw  a  craft  to 
the  south.  Made  sail  for  the  same.  At  6  P.  M.5 
finding  that  the  above  sail  was  standing  for  us, 
we  hauled  our  courses  and  got  all  ready  for 
action.  At  seven  o'clock  she  came  alongside  of 
us  and  proved  to  be  a  British  frigate.  A  ship 
in  sight  to  windward,  supposed  to  be  the  Con 
stitution. 

"February  14th. — At  11  p.  M.  saw  two 
strange  sail  bearing  down  on  the  fleet.  Hauled 
up  the  mainsail  and  bore  away  for  them.  Found 
them  to  be  armed  ships.  Showed  them  signals 
and  was  answered  by  them.  At  meridian  spoke 
them,  the  one  an  English  20-gun  ship,  the  other 
a  transport  mounting  twelve  guns." 

At  four  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  February 
15th,  the  Merrimac  gave  chase  to  a  sail,  which 
ran  into  Basse  Terre  for  refuge.  Evidently  it 
[155] 


CONVOYING  A  GREAT  FLEET 

was  a  French  privateer,  which  had  hoped  to 
make  a  prize  or  two  under  cover  of  night. 

Getting  under  way  from  Martinique,  the  cum 
bersome  fleet  worked  its  way  northward,  passing 
in  full  view  of  Martinique  and  Guadeloupe, 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  sighted  Mont- 
serrat.  It  was  here  that  a  stranger  was  dis 
covered  in  the  midst  of  the  fleet.  The  Merrimac 
promptly  gave  her  a  shot  and  brought  her  to. 
She  proved  to  be  a  harmless  English  schooner 
from  Montserrat,  but  the  fact  that  she  had  come 
into  the  fleet  and  had  remained  there  undetected 
until  daylight,  shows  how  difficult  was  the  task 
in  which  Captain  Brown  was  engaged.  It  was 
this  danger,  and  the  difficulty  of  keeping  so 
many  vessels  of  widely  varying  sailing  qualities, 
together,  that  led  Captain  Brown  to  write: 
"  You  may  think  there  is  an  honor  in  this  busi 
ness  [convoying],  but  there  is  more  trouble  to 
keep  them  together.  ...  I  don't  expect 
much  idle  bread.  I  have  been  but  four  days  at  a 
time  in  port  since  my  arrival  at  the  rendezvous." 

As  the  great  fleet  passed  the  bay  of  Nevis,  the 
[156] 


STRANGERS    IN    THE    FLEET 

Merrimac' s  second  lieutenant  went  ashore  in  a 
boat  to  ascertain  if  any  American  merchantmen 
were  there  desiring  convoy.  Finding  none,  he 
returned,  and  the  fleet  bore  away  for  St.  Kitts, 
coming  to  anchor  in  Basseterre  before  night. 
Here  they  found  the  36-gun  frigate  Constella 
tion  with  her  prize,  the  40-gun  French  frigate 
Insurgent.  On  the  following  day  the  Monte- 
zuma  arrived  at  Basseterre  with  twenty  sail  of 
American  merchantmen,  increasing  the  fleet  to  a 
total  of  forty-two  sail. 

At  noon,  February  18th,  the  fleet  got  under 
way  and  began  the  final  passage  homeward. 
Sweeping  majestically  past  the  Dutch  islands  of 
St.  Eustatius  and  Saba,  with  the  Merrimac  in 
the  lead,  the  armada  was  thrown  into  some  con 
fusion  by  two  incidents.  At  half-past  four 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  it  was  still  dark,  a 
strange  sail  was  discovered.  The  Merrimac 
promptly  gave  chase,  and  fired  three  shots  be 
fore  she  hove-to.  She  was  an  English  privateer 
brig  of  fourteen  guns. 

In  a  number  of  instances  English  war-ships 
[157] 


CONVOYING  A  GREAT  FLEET 

had  intercepted  our  merchantmen  and,  had  it 
not  been  for  the  protection  afforded  by  the  Mer- 
rimac  in  this  case,  it  is  probable  that  the  priva 
teer  would  not  have  resisted  the  temptation  of 
"  seizing  "  one  or  more  of  the  fleet.  As  it  was, 
she  was  requested  to  "  move  on." 

Scarcely  had  the  affair  of  the  privateer  been 
dismissed  when,  at  7  A.  M.,  a  large  ship  was  dis 
covered  to  leeward,  to  which  the  swift-sailing 
Merrimac  gave  chase.  When  quite  near,  the 
stranger  showed  English  colors.  Of  course,  any 
French  craft  could  easily  have  used  this  flag  to 
escape  molestation.  To  guard  against  such  a 
trick,  the  American  and  English  officers  had  ar 
ranged  a  secret  code  by  which  they  could  dis 
tinguish  each  other.  It  was  this  secret  signal 
that  Captain  Brown  now  displayed,  but  finding 
that  the  stranger  did  not  answer,  the  Americans 
cleared  for  action  and  fired  several  shots.  This 
was  answered  by  the  stranger  firing  several 
guns,  "  some  to  leeward  and  some  to  windward." 

Determined  to  remove  all  doubt,  Captain 
Brown  crowded  on  sail  and  by  ten  o'clock  came 
[158] 


SEVERE  DISCIPLINE 

up  with  her  and,  on  hailing,  learned  that  she  was 
an  English  war-ship  on  a  cruise.  In  response 
to  the  sharp  inquiry  why  they  had  so  nearly 
precipitated  a  battle  between  the  two  men-of- 
war,  the  Englishman  said  that  he  had  not  been 
able  to  make  out  the  Merrimac's  signals. 

Greatly  vexed  by  the  incident,  Captain  Brown 
rejoined  his  fleet  and  on  the  following  day  ex 
ercised  a  little  discipline  on  one  of  his  own  con 
voy,  when  her  master  paid  no  attention  to  sig 
nals.  Early  in  the  morning,  observing  a  mer 
chantman  disobeying  the  fleet  signals,  Captain 
Brown  fired  three  shots  into  the  offender,  and 
then  sent  his  second  lieutenant,  Samuel  Chase, 
aboard  her  to  give  her  master  a  severe  lecture. 

About  four  o'clock  on  the  following  morning, 
the  Merrlmac  brought-to  and  boarded  an  Eng 
lish  lugger  of  ten  guns  that  was  found  among 
the  merchantmen  that  morning  after  a  dark 
night.  It  was  really  singular  how  many  Brit 
ish  armed  craft  managed  to  make  their  way 
into  this  fleet  under  cover  of  night. 

.After  remaining  at  St.  Thomas  several  days? 
[159] 


CONVOYING  A  GREAT  FLEET 

the  fleet,  on  February  22d,  got  under  way 
again,  when  Midshipman  Brown  notes :  "  We 
fired  a  salute  of  seventeen  guns  which  was  an 
swered  by  a  number  of  American  vessels  [in  the 
convoy]  in  honor  to  General  Washington,  it 
being  his  birthday." 

The  great  fleet  had  now,  after  several  narrow 
escapes,  cleared  the  dangers  of  the  West  Indies 
and  was  boldly  heading  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean 
for  a  quick  run  up  the  coast  of  the  United  States 
to  the  various  home  ports.  On  the  second  day 
out  from  St.  Thomas,  the  Merrimac  (always  in 
the  lead  of  the  imposing  armada,  like  a  general 
marshaling  his  forces),  chased  two  strangers, 
who  proved  to  be  Americans  bound  for  St. 
Thomas. 

Having  escorted  the  merchantmen  well  on 
their  last  stretch  of  the  voyage  to  the  United 
States,  the  Merrimac,  on  February  28th,  sig 
naled  :  "  Make  the  best  of  your  way  home," 
headed  about,  and  shaped  her  course  so  as  to 
make  a  broad  sweep  to  the  eastward  of  the 
Lesser  Antilles,  in  the  hope  of  falling  in  with 
[160] 


A    HARD    CHASE 

some  of  the  enemy's  cruisers  on  her  way  back  to 
Prince  Rupert's  Bay.  On  several  occasions 
Captain  Brown's  expectations  seemed  about  to 
be  fulfilled. 

At  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  following  his 
farewell  to  his  fleet,  he  discovered  two  strange 
sails,  one  to  the  northeast  and  one  to  the  south 
east.  An  hour  later  he  made  out  the  first  to  be 
a  ship  standing  for  the  Merrimac.  Finding,  on 
exchange  of  signals,  that  she  was  English,  Cap 
tain  Brown,  at  four  o'clock,  tacked  to  the  south 
and  overhauled  the  schooner  Victory,  fourteen 
days  out  from  Norfolk. 

At  ten  o'clock  on  the  night  of  March  6th  the 
Merrimac  discovered  and  gave  chase  to  a  sail 
directly  ahead.  In  spite  of  rain  squalls  and  the 
darkness,  Captain  Brown  managed  to  keep  on 
the  track  of  the  stranger  and,  at  3  A.  M.,  picked 
up  a  small  boat  which,  evidently,  had  been 
thrown  overboard  from  the  chase.  All  that  day 
the  race  continued,  the  stranger  being  fore-and- 
aft-rigged,  making  a  better  course  of  it  to 
windward  than  the  square-rigged  Merrimac. 
[161] 


CONVOYING  A  GREAT  FLEET 

By  nightfall  the  chase  had  greatly  increased  her 
lead  and,  during  the  night,  escaped. 

No  further  sign  of  a  sail  was  discovered  until 
on  the  morning  of  March  10th,  when  two  large 
ships  were  descried  off  the  northern  end  of  the 
island  of  Desirade,  at  which  point  the  Merrimac 
had  now  arrived  on  her  return  voyage  to  the 
rendezvous.  Making  signals,  Captain  Brown 
soon  learned  that  they  were  the  Constellation 
and  the  British  war-ship  Santa  Margarita.  The 
Merrimac  now  laid  a  direct  course  for  Prince 
Rupert's  Bay,  arriving  there  on  the  following 
day. 


[162] 


CHAPTER  XV 

CAPTURING    FRENCH    WAR-SHIPS 

A  PER  remaining  in  port  two  weeks,  the 
Merrimac  y  on  March  20th,  put  to  sea 
in  company  with  the  United  States, 
Constitution  and  Eagle  for  a  cruise.  Making 
their  course  for  Guadeloupe,  they  took  a  look 
into  the  harbor  of  St.  Pierre,  Martinique,  where 
they  saw  a  number  of  vessels.  Becoming  sepa 
rated  from  her  consorts,  the  Merrimac  made  her 
way  up  to  Antigua  and,  on  the  evening  of 
March  25th,  gave  chase  to  a  brig  which  made 
every  effort  to  escape.  The  pursuit  lasted  all 
night  but  at  half -past  five  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing  the  Merrimac  was  sufficiently  near  to  bring 
the  chase  to  with  a  shot.  She  proved  to  be  the 
Harmony  of  Baltimore,  which  had  been  captured 
by  the  French  privateer,  Resolue,  and  had  on 
board  a  prize-master  and  eight  negroes.  Tak- 
[163] 


CAPTURING  FRENCH  WAR-SHIPS 

ing  his  prisoners  on  board  the  Merrimac,  Cap 
tain  Brown  placed  a  prize  crew  in  the  Harmony 
and  escorted  her  to  St.  Pierre,  where  they  ar 
rived  March  30th. 

Remaining  in  port  only  long  enough  to  re 
plenish  his  water  casks,  Captain  Brown  put  to 
sea  again  on  April  1st  for  a  general  cruise 
among  the  islands.  A  number  of  sails  were 
spoken  and  meetings  with  war-ships  were 
frequent. 

At  one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  April  10th  a 
large  ship  was  discovered  bearing  down  on  the 
Merrimac.  Captain  Brown  made  the  neces 
sary  night  signals  but,  as  they  were  not  an 
swered,  he  hastily  cleared  for  action.  At 
daylight  the  stranger  proved  to  be  the  Consti 
tution. 

On  the  following  day  the  Constitution  spoke 
a  brig  from  Surinam  and  learned  that  the 
Portsmouth  was  at  that  port  with  a  fleet  of  sixty 
American  merchantmen  ready  to  sail  for  the 
United  States.  It  was  also  learned  that  a  num 
ber  of  French  privateers  were  fitting  in  the 
[164] 


A  BRIEF  VISIT  HOME 

vicinity  with  a  view  to  attacking  the  merchant 
men  whenever  opportunity  offered. 

Two  weeks  later,  while  the  Merrimac  was 
cruising  near  St.  Thomas,  a  number  of  sails  were 
descried  to  leeward  and,  on  running  down  and 
exchanging  signals,  they  proved  to  be  the 
Surinam  convoy  under  the  protection  of  the 
Constitution.  The  next  few  days  the  Merrimac 
was  engaged  in  "  drumming  up  "  the  rear  of  the 
fleet — that  is,  towing  the  dull  sailers  so  that 
the  convoy  might  remain  in  compact  form. 

After  remaining  near  the  fleet  several  days, 
the  Merrimac  shaped  her  course  northward  and 
on  May  12th  anchored  in  Nantucket  Roads 
from  which  place  she  went  to  Boston,  anchoring 
in  President's  Roads  May  15th,  thus  giving  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  ship  an  opportunity  to 
see  their  families  and  friends.  Remaining  in  this 
port  only  a  few  days,  the  Merrimac  again  got 
under  way  and  on  June  7th  sailed  from  Boston 
to  return  to  her  station  in  the  West  Indies. 

At  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  June  20th, 
while  on  her  old  cruising  ground,  the  Merrimac 
[165] 


CAPTURING  FRENCH  WAR-SHIPS 

gave  chase  to  a  suspicious  sail  and,  after  a  hard 
run,  in  which  she  fired  twenty-three  shots,  the 
cruiser  came  up  with  her  and,  giving  a  broad 
side,  compelled  the  stranger  to  haul  down  her 
flag.  She  proved  to  be  the  French  national 
schooner  Magicienne,  of  fourteen  guns  and  six 
ty-three  men.  The  prisoners  were  taken  aboard 
the  Merrimac  and,  placing  a  prize  crew  of  ten 
men  aboard  the  Magicienne,  Captain  Brown  re 
sumed  his  cruise,  having  his  prize  in  company. 

At  one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  follow 
ing  day,  while  near  the  island  of  Desirade,  a  sail 
was  discovered  northward  and,  standing  for  her, 
the  Merrimac  fired  three  shots  and  brought  her 
to.  Owing  to  the  extreme  darkness  and  vio 
lent  squalls  the  Americans  were  unable  to  board 
their  prize.  Captain  Brown  ordered  the  French 
men  to  hoist  a  light  and  to  remain  close  by  until 
daylight.  During  a  terrific  storm  of  thunder 
and  lightning  the  Merrimac  lost  sight  of  the 
second  vessel  but  managed  to  retain  the  Magi 
cienne. 

It  was  on  this  dark  night  that  Captain 
[166] 


A  TERRIBLE  TROPICAL  STORM 

Brown  gave  proof  of  those  sterling  qualities 
which  so  distinguished  him  as  a  commander. 
The  incident  was  narrated  in  1846  by  Dr.  Na 
thaniel  Bradstreet  who,  for  many  years,  was  a 
prominent  physician  in  Newburyport.  Dr. 
Bradstreet,  as  a  young  man,  entered  the  navy, 
his  first  service  being  that  of  surgeon  in  the 
Merrimac  on  this  cruise.  The  following  is  taken 
from  Samuel  Swett's  sketch  of  Moses  Brown's 
life,  privately  published  in  1846. 

"  Dr.  Bradstreet  relates,"  says  Mr.  Swett, 
"  how  they  were  visited  by  one  of  those  tre 
mendous  storms  which  are  known  only  within 
the  tropics,  accompanied  by  the  most  terrific 
thunder  and  lightning  he  had  ever  witnessed. 
Every  man  on  board  was  thoroughly  appalled 
at  the  instant,  inevitable  destruction  which 
seemed  impending  over  them — excepting  their 
commander  who,  in  the  height  of  the  tempest, 
was  walking  his  quarter  deck  in  total,  absolute, 
unruffled  composure. 

"  Dr.  Bradstreet,  though  a  very  firm  man, 
observing  him  was  tempted  by  his  anxious  ap- 
[167] 


CAPTURING  FRENCH  WAR-SHIPS 

prehension  to  venture  the  bounds  of  formal  pro 
priety  and  put  this  question  to  him: 

"  '  Don't  you  think  we  are  in  danger  from  the 
storm,  sir  ? ' 

To  which  Captain  Brown  replied,  very 
calmly :  " 6  Why,  doctor,  it  has  not  hurt  us 
yet.' 

"  And  there  was  no  stage  acting  here.  In 
the  midst  of  this  war  of  worlds,  his  impassive 
intellect  framed  at  once  his  instant,  most  logi 
cal  answer  to  a  very  logical  man;  and  even 
threw  in  a  gleam  of  his  own  sportive  humor  be 
sides  for  the  encouragement  of  those  about 
him.  There  is  a  surpassing  interest  in  all  this 
and  a  lofty  sublimity  indeed,  that  would  render 
all  further  comment  superfluous." 

At  eight  o'clock  on  the  following  morning 
chase  was  given  to  a  schooner  and  on  bringing 
her  to  she  was  found  to  be  the  Isabella  from 
Baltimore ;  the  same  the  Merrimac  had  brought- 
to  the  night  before.  Captain  Brown  now  made 
for  Basseterre  Roads,  arriving  there  with  his 
prize  June  30th,  and  landed  his  prisoners. 
[168] 


CRUISING  IN  COMPANY 

Remaining  in  port  only  long  enough  to  refit 
and  take  on  board  provisions,  Captain  Brown  got 
under  way  again  July  5th  for  a  cruise  to  the 
southeast.  After  speaking  the  English  letter- 
of -marque  Lucretia  and  the  American  privateer 
Polly,  of  North  Carolina,  John  Chadwick, 
master,  and  meeting  a  large  number  of  vessels 
daily,  the  Merrimac  made  her  way  to  the  east 
side  of  Guadeloupe  and  Desirade;  where  she 
would  be  most  likely  to  fall  in  with  outward  and 
homeward  bound  ships.  She  frequently  met 
other  vessels  of  our  fleet  and  at  times  cruised  in 
company  with  the  Ganges,  George  Washington 
and  Norfolk. 

Under  date  of  July  15th  Joseph  Brown  notes : 
"  At  5  A.  M.  saw  a  sail.  Gave  chase  but  at  8 
A.  M.  lost  sight  of  her.  At  10  A.  M.  saw  a  sail  to 
the  south  and  gave  chase  to  it.  At  11  A.  M.  saw 
a  Danish  schooner  to  windward.  Gave  her  a 
gun.  The  Norfolk  spoke  her.  Continued  chas 
ing  the  other  sail,  which  was  a  small  schooner. 
Fired  two  shots  at  her.  At  noon  gave  over  the 
chase,  the  schooner  being  close  inshore." 
[169] 


CAPTURING  FRENCH  WAR-SHIPS 

On  July  19th,  while  the  Merrimac,  Ganges 
and  Norfolk  were  scudding  before  a  heavy 
squall,  the  Norfolk  carried  away  her  maintop- 
mast.  Captain  Brown  immediately  bore  down 
to  his  consort  and  went  aboard  with  proffers  of 
assistance.  The  injury  was  a  slight  one  but, 
fortunately,  none  of  the  crew  was  hurt.  As  the 
Norfolk  would  be  placed  in  a  precarious  position 
if  she  met  a  French  war-ship  while  in  this  par 
tially  crippled  condition,  the  Merrimac  and 
Ganges  accompanied  their  consort  to  Prince 
Rupert's  Bay,  arriving  there  on  the  day  follow 
ing  the  accident. 

The  next  day,  however,  the  Merrimac,  having 
refilled  her  water  casks,  put  to  sea  again  in 
company  with  the  Ganges.  That  day  they  fell 
in  with  a  great  fleet  of  American  and  English 
merchantmen  bound  for  St.  Kitts  under  the 
protection  of  the  United  States  and  other  war 
ships.  By  order  of  Captain  Barry,  the  Merri 
mac  and  Ganges  were  ordered  to  escort  the  mer 
chantmen  to  their  destination.  Taking  a  dull 
sailing  sloop  in  tow,  the  Merrimac  resumed  her 
[170] 


A  FLEET  OF  100  MERCHANTMEN 

convoy  duties.  Having  seen  the  fleet  safely 
into  Basseterre,  St.  Kitts,  the  Merrimac,  at  the 
special  request  of  the  American  agent  at  that 
place,  Mr.  Clarkson,  convoyed  a  schooner  to  St. 
Bartholomew,  Mr.  Clarkson  being  a  passenger. 

While  returning  from  this  errand,  the  Merri 
mac  gave  chase  to  a  schooner  which  failed  to 
answer  the  signals  and,  after  tacking  several 
times,  and  finding  that  the  schooner  was  gaining 
on  him,  Captain  Brown  fired  two  shots  to  induce 
her  to  heave-to.  It  proved  to  be  the  English 
sloop  Neptune,  William  P.  Robertson,  master. 

By  the  time  Captain  Brown  returned  to  Bas 
seterre  he  found  there  assembled  a  fleet  of  one 
hundred  merchantmen'  awaiting  convoy  to  the 
United  States.  As  so  many  ships  were  too 
bulky  a  mass  to  be  conveniently  navigated  in 
the  comparatively  narrow  waters  of  the  West 
Indies,  they  were  divided  into  squadrons,  and 
escorted  one  at  a  time  to  St.  Thomas,  and 
thence  homeward. 

While  lying  in  Basseterre  Roads  waiting  to 
take  his  turn  at  this  work,  Captain  Barry  re- 
[HI] 


CAPTURING  FRENCH  WAR-SHIPS 

ceived  word  that  several  French  privateers  were 
cruising  to  the  southward  and  he  sent  the  Mer- 
rimac,  post-haste,  after  them,  with  the  result 
that  one  of  the  most  dangerous  French  letters- 
cf-marque  in  the  West  Indies  was  captured. 
The  details  of  this  affair  are  given  in  the  Mer- 
rimac's  log  as  follows: 

"  Aug.  6th. — At  1  p.  M.  hove  up  [anchor] 
and  got  under  way.  Saw  a  small  fleet  of  Ameri 
cans  running  down  under  the  convoy  of  an 
English  letter-of-marque,  from  Martinique 
bound  to  America.  Took  them  under  my  own 
convoy.  At  4  P.  M.  saw  the  Commodore 
[Barry]  with  a  prize  which  he  had  captured, 
from  Guadeloupe,  laden  with  sugar  and  coffee. 
At  5  P.  M.  went  on  board  with  the  Commodore 
[probably  in  obedience  to  a  signal].  At  half- 
past  five  o'clock  the  Captain  returned  and  made 
sail.  Left  the  fleet  to  proceed  on  under  convoy 
of  the  English  [letter-of-marque]  brig.  [Evi 
dently  Captain  Barry  had  received  information 
about  French  privateers  and  had  dispatched 
the  Merrimac  after  them.]  At  11  A.  M.  spoke 
[172] 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  " BONAPARTE " 

a  Danish  schooner  from  Martinique.  At  11.30 
A.  M.  boarded  an  English  brig  from  Halifax 
bound  to  Antigua,  out  twenty-one  days.  A  sail 
in  sight  running  down. 

"  Aug.  7th. — Begins  with  fresh  breezes  and 
squally  weather.  Employed  beating  to  wind 
ward.  At  1  p.  M.  boarded  the  schooner  Neutral 
ity,  from  New  Haven  bound  for  St.  Kitts,  out 
thirty-four  days.  At  8  A.  M.  saw  a  sail.  Bore 
away  and  gave  chase.  Fired  three  shots  and  at 
nine  o'clock  brought  her  to.  She  proved  to  be 
the  French  letter-of -marque  Bonaparte,  of  eight 
guns  and  thirty-four  men.  Took  the  prisoners 
on  board,  and  manned  her  with  a  prize  crew. 
The  island  of  Nevis  bearing  southwest,  one-half 
south,  distant  four  leagues." 

Although  one  of  the  smallest  privateers  in  the 
West  Indies,  the  Bonaparte  had  contrived  to  do 
more  injury  to  American  commerce  than  any 
other  French  armed  vessel.  The  Merrimac  re 
turned  to  Basseterre  with  her  prize. 


[173] 


CHAPTER  XVI 

VERY    ACTIVE    CRUISING 

THAT    Captain    Brown    did    not    earn 
"  idle  bread  "  while  in  the  service  of 
the  Government  is  fully  shown  by  the 
log  of  the  Merrimac.     As  we  have  seen  in  the 
last  chapter,  he  entered  the  port  of  Basseterre 
with  his  prize,  the  Bonaparte,  on  the  night  of 
July  7th.    Leaving  a  midshipman  and  two  men 
in   charge   of   the   privateer,   he   sailed   again 
early  in  the  morning  of  the  9th,  and  resumed 
his  search  of  the  enemy. 

On  the  evening  of  the  next  day,  while  in  com 
pany  with  the  Pickering,  he  gave  chase  to  a 
strange  sail.  Managing  to  keep  in  sight  of 
the  stranger  all  that  night  the  Merrimac,  on 
the  following  morning,  came  up  with  it  and 
found  her  to  be  a  French  cartel — "  with  a  cargo 
of  prisoners  on  board " — from  Guadeloupe 
[174] 


A  SOCIABLE  DINNER  AT  SEA 

bound  to  Charleston,  S.  C.  Most  of  the  cap 
tives  were  American  sailors  who  had  been 
taken  in  trading  vessels  by  French  men-of-war 
and  privateers  and  had  been  confined  in  the 
dungeons  of  Guadeloupe.  Many  of  them  had 
been  brutally  treated  and,  packed  in  the  nar 
row  confines  of  the  cartel,  presented  a  pitiable 
appearance. 

To  break  the  monotony  of  the  cruise,  the 
officers  of  our  different  war-ships  frequently 
dined  with  one  another  while  sailing  in  company. 
It  was  while  Master-Commandant  Edward  Pre- 
ble,  of  the  Pickering,  was  dining  with  Captain 
Brown  aboard  the  Merrimac,  August  12th,  that 
word  was  sent  down  to  the  Captain's  cabin  that 
a  strange  sail  had  been  sighted.  Young  Joseph 
Brown  does  not  say  what  the  sturdy  sea  fighters 
had  for  dinner  but  that  is  immaterial  to  this 
narrative,  for  Preble  immediately  rushed  up  on 
deck,  threw  himself  into  his  gig  and  urged  his 
oarsmen,  at  a  thirty-two-a-minute  stroke,  to 
hasten  back  to  the  Pickering,  while  Captain 
Brown  was  setting  all  sail — chuckling  with  glee 
[175] 


VERY  ACTIVE  CRUISING 

to  find  that  he  had  got  a  five-minutes'  start  of 
the  Pickering. 

All  this  haste  was  futile,  and  the  good  din 
ner  was  wasted,  however,  for  the  stranger  proved 
to  be  the  good  United  States  ship  Ganges,  Cap 
tain  Thomas  Tingey.  Determined  to  have  a 
fine  feast,  anyway,  Captain  Brown  went 
aboard  the  Ganges  "at  8  P.  M.  and  returned 
at  half -past  nine  o'clock  "  [so  the  log  reads] — 
ample  time  for  a  man  with  a  forty-eight-inch 
waist  to  enjoy  the  good  things  of  life. 

The  three  vessels,  Merrimac,  Ganges  and 
Pickering,  now  cruised  in  company  for  several 
days.  On  the  14th  the  Merrimac  chased  a 
stranger  into  a  port  in  Guadeloupe.  Captain 
Brown  persisted  so  long  in  the  effort  that  he 
got  under  the  guns  of  the  fort  and  had  to  haul 
aboard  his  tacks  so  sharply  that  the  good  ship 
was  taken  by  surprise — or  at  least  got  her  head 
into  the  wind  and  was  taken  "  aback."  As  there 
was  a  stiff  breeze  at  the  time  it  was  really  a 
critical  moment  for  the  ship — as  she  began  to 
gather  stern-board.  With  good  management, 

[H6] 


SEARCHING  FOR  A  PRIVATEER 

however,  the  sloop-of-war  was  put  about  and 
"  showed  a  clean  pair  of  heels  "  to  the  fort. 

On  the  evening  of  the  15th  of  August  the 
squadron  gave  chase  to  a  stranger.  All  night 
long  the  ships  crowded  on  every  stitch  of  canvas 
that  would  draw  but  the  Ganges,  having  the 
advantage  in  position,  had  the  honor  of  running 
down  the  game  on  the  following  morning.  It 
proved  to  be  an  American  schooner  that  had 
been  captured  by  a  French  privateer  and  was 
now  making  for  Guadeloupe  with  a  French 
prize  crew  aboard. 

From  the  American  prisoners  on  board  it  was 
learned  that  the  privateer  was  near  by  and, 
shaping  their  course  in  the  direction  given,  the 
Americans  soon  descried  her  sails  and  made  all 
haste  in  pursuit.  The  vessels  were  now  in  sight 
of  Guadeloupe  and  the  chase — after  receiving 
four  shots  from  the  cruiser — managed  to  make 
the  port  in  safety. 

Under  dates  of  August  17th  Joseph  Brown 
notes :  "  At  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  hove- 
to  off  Basseterre,  St.  Kitts.  At  5  P.  M.  lost  a 
[177] 


VERY  ACTIVE  CRUISING 

man  overboard  by  the  name  of  Martin  Maden." 
Getting  under  way  again  the  next  day,  the 
Merrimac  fell  in  with  a  fleet  of  nine  American 
and  one  English  merchantmen  and  convoyed 
them  to  St.  Thomas.  After  cruising  several 
weeks  to  the  windward  of  the  Lesser  Antilles,  in 
company  with  several  other  American  war-ships, 
the  Merrimac,  on  September  6th,  put  into 
Prince  Rupert's  Bay  for  water. 

As  illustrating  the  ceaseless  activity  of  this 
service,  it  will  be  noted  that  on  the  second  day 
in  port,  while  engaged  in  filling  up  her  water- 
casks,  a  squadron  of  seven  sail  appeared  pass 
ing  the  entrance  of  the  harbor  making  north 
ward.  In  obedience  to  signals  from  Captain 
Barry  the  Merrimac  was  at  once  put  under  sail, 
ran  out  to  investigate  and,  on  ascertaining  that 
the  strangers  were  not  French,  returned  to  her 
moorings. 

On    the    10th    of    September   the   Merrimac 

again  got  to  sea,  in  company  with  the  Ganges, 

for  a  cruise  northward.     After  beating  for  a 

week  against  a  strong  head  wind  and  a  lee  cur- 

[178] 


A  RECAPTURE 

rent,  the  Merrimac,  while  off  Desirade,  gave 
chase  to  two  large  sails.  Much  to  the  disap 
pointment  of  all,  they  proved  to  be  the  English 
sloop-of-war  Bittern  with  her  prize,  a  French 
privateer  recently  captured. 

Working  her  way  northward,  the  Merrlmac 
put  into  Basseterre,  St.  Kitts,  for  provisions 
and,  on  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  September, 
while  cruising  in  sight  of  Porto  Rico,  gave 
chase  to  a  strange  sail.  The  pursuit  lasted  all 
night,  and  on  the  following  morning  Captain 
Brown  came  up  with  and  boarded  the  English 
schooner  Charming  Nancy,  which  had  recently 
been  captured  by  a  French  privateer  and  was 
in  the  possession  of  a  French  prize  crew.  The 
Charming  Nancy  was  bound  for  New  York. 
Captain  Brown  took  the  Frenchmen  aboard  the 
Merrimac  and,  placing  a  midshipman  and  five 
men  aboard  the  schooner,  ordered  them  to  make 
the  best  of  their  way  to  that  port. 

Scarcely  had  the  Americans  completed  the 
change  when  another  sail  hove  in  sight  and, 
giving  chase,  the  Merrimac,  at  7  P.  M.,  over- 
[179] 


VERY  ACTIVE  CRUISING 

hauled  the  American  sloop  Elizabeth,  from  New 
York  bound  for  Cura9ao  which,  also,  had  been 
captured  by  the  French  and  was  in  the  hands  of 
a  prize  crew.  Transferring  the  prisoners  to  the 
Merrimac,  Captain  Brown  worked  his  way  along 
the  southern  side  of  Porto  Rico  and  on  the 
afternoon  of  September  28th  made  sail  after  a 
stranger  which  led  him  a  hard  chase  all  that 
night.  Early  on  the  following  morning  he  came 
up  with  it.  It  proved  to  be  a  French  schooner 
with  a  number  of  passengers  aboard  from  Jac- 
quemel,  bound  for  St.  Domingo.  As  the  ship 
was  not  armed,  Captain  Brown,  after  placing 
on  board  three  of  his  prisoners,  allowed  the 
schooner  to  proceed.  A  few  hours  afterward 
chase  was  given  to  another  sail  but,  after 
getting  within  gunshot  and  firing  a  few  shots, 
the  Merrimac  lost  her  in  the  night. 

While  cruising  to  the  south  of  Porto  Rico 
the  Merrimac,  on  the  30th  of  September  and 
the  1st  of  October,  boarded  two  Spanish  vessels 
and  two  English  privateers  but  did  not  molest 
them.  While  near  the  Grand  Cayman,  on  the 
[180] 


AT   VERA   CRUZ 

5th  of  October,  two  boats  put  off  from  the 
shore  and,  thinking  that  they  might  have  in 
formation  of  value  to  him,  Captain  Brown 
hove-to.  On  coming  alongside  they  proved  to 
be  "  bumboats,"  manned  by  negroes  anxious  to 
sell  fresh  provisions.  Captain  Brown  purchased 
some  turtles  from  them  and  resumed  his 
cruise. 

Making  his  way  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
and  signaling  vessels  almost  every  day,  Captain 
Brown,  on  the  20th  of  October,  anchored  in  the 
harbor  of  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  filled  his  water 
casks  and  replenished  his  stock  of  provisions. 
Three  days  later  the  ship  was  ready  for  sea, 
waiting  only  for  a  favorable  wind.  The  wind, 
however,  blew  steadily  from  the  wrong  direction 
for  forty-eight  hours,  compelling  the  Merrimac 
to  remain  in  port. 

At  one  time  the  gale  was  so  heavy  that  the 
cruiser  dragged  her  anchors  and  was  com 
pelled  to  run  a  hawser  to  a  Spanish  frigate  and 
hang  on  to  her.  Finally,  on  the  afternoon  of 
the  25th,  the  wind  served  and,  firing  a  salute 
[181] 


VERY  ACTIVE  CRUISING 

of  thirteen  guns,  which  was  answered  by 
the  Spanish  frigate,  the  Merrimac  put  to 
sea. 

Shaping  his  course  back  to  his  old  cruising 
ground,  Captain  Brown,  on  the  evening  of  No 
vember  18th,  gave  chase  to  a  suspicious  sail 
which  appeared  to  the  west.  As  the  stranger 
seemed  anxious  to  avoid  a  meeting,  Captain 
Brown  crowded  on  all  sail,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  a  terrific  gale  was  blowing  at  the  time. 
All  that  night  the  Merrimac  staggered  and 
groaned  under  a  fearful  pressure  of  canvas — 
the  chase  also  bordering  on  the  danger  point 
in  sail-carrying  in  her  evident  eagerness  to  es 
cape.  It  was  not  until  five  o'clock  the  next 
morning  that  the  Merrimac  finally  reached  the 
chase  and,  even  then,  it  was  not  until  the  Ameri 
cans  had  fired  three  shots  that  the  stranger  was 
induced  to  heave-to.  Much  to  the  chagrin  of 
all,  she  proved  to  be  a  Spanish  sloop  out  of 
Havana.  As  it  was  blowing  a  heavy  gale,  with 
a  boisterous  sea,  Captain  Brown  did  not  board 
and  permitted  her  to  proceed.  The  Spaniards 
[182] 


A  SERIOUS  LEAK 

had  mistaken  the  Merrimac  for  an  English  war 
ship. 

On  the  21st  of  November  the  Merrimac  put 
into  Havana  for  water  and  provisions,  where 
she  found  the  Norfolk.  Captain  Brown  had 
now  received  his  homeward-bound  orders  and, 
taking  on  board  eleven  French  prisoners  from 
the  Norfolk  he  left  Havana  on  the  25th  of  No 
vember  and  shaped  his  course  northward. 

When  four  days  out  a  dangerous  leak  was 
discovered  in  the  f  orehold.  The  weather,  at  the 
time,  was  stormy  and  heavy  seas  made  it  ex 
ceedingly  difficult  to  get  at  the  place.  It  seems 
that  the  Merrimac  had  a  quantity  of  coal 
aboard  for  ballast  and  it  got  in  the  pumps  in 
such  a  way  as  to  prevent  them  from  working. 

All  hands  that  could  be  spared  from  navigat 
ing  the  ship,  were  at  once  put  to  work  getting 
the  coal  out  of  the  hold.  The  task  was  not  com 
pleted  until  the  next  morning,  when  the  car 
penter  found  that  the  leak  could  not  be  reached 
until  the  ship  made  port.  A  passage  was  cleared 
for  the  water,  however,  and  by  working  one 
[183] 


VERY  ACTIVE  CRUISING 

pump    all    the    time    the    leakage    was    kept 
down. 

From  this  time  on  the  Merrimac  encountered 
a  series  of  gales  and,  on  the  1st  of  December, 
Captain  Brown  placed  his  quarter-deck  guns  in 
the  hold  in  order  to  steady  his  ship.  The  Mer 
rimac  put  into  Cape  Ann  Roads  December  8th 
and  anchored,  after  an  absence  from  home  of 
six  months,  nearly  all  of  that  time  having  been 
spent  on  the  open  sea.  Young  Joseph  Brown 
now  resigned  from  his  position  as  midshipman 
and  left  the  navy  for  mercantile  pursuits. 


[184] 


CHAPTER  XVII 

CLOSING    SCENES 

THE  year  1800  opened  auspiciously  for 
American   arms   in   the   West   Indies. 
Early  in  February,  the  36-gun  frigate 
Constellation  again  had  the  envied  opportunity 
of  meeting  a  worthy  foe — her  antagonist  this 
time  being  the  40-gun  French  frigate  Venge 
ance.     Our  navy  was  materially  increased  and 
a   larger    force    was    detailed    for   patrol    and 
convoy  duty  in  the  West  Indies. 

As  might  be  expected,  such  a  powerful  and 
successful  cruiser  as  the  Merrimac  was  not  per 
mitted  to  remain  long  in  port  and,  early  in 
1800,  Captain  Brown  again  found  himself  on 
his  way  to  the  scene  of  hostilities.  In  the  course 
of  the  naval  campaign  of  this  year  the  Merri 
mac  captured  two  French  privateers,  the 
Brillante,  of  sixteen  guns,  and  the  Phenix,  of 
[185] 


CLOSING  SCENES 

fourteen  guns  and  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight  men — besides  rendering  valuable  services 
in  the  line  of  convoying  merchantmen  and  re 
capturing  American  traders  which  had  fallen 
into  the  enemy's  hands. 

At  one  time  Captain  Brown  was  intrusted 
with  the  command  of  a  small  squadron,  consist 
ing  of  the  Merrimac  and  the  20-gun  sloop-of- 
war  Patapsco,  Captain  Henry  Geddes,  to 
disperse  a  fleet  of  French  armed  craft,  mostly 
letters-of-marque  and  picaroons,  which  had 
sailed  from  Guadeloupe  and  had  made  a 
descent  on  the  island  of  Cura9ao.  This  place 
had  been  captured  from  the  Dutch  by  the 
English  only  two  years  before  and  so  became 
a  legitimate  object  of  attack  for  Frenchmen. 
Had  they  confined  their  acts  of  violence  to 
Englishmen,  there  would  have  been  no  ground 
for  American  intervention  but  our  interests 
had  been  infringed  upon  and  so  this  squadron, 
with  Captain  Brown  as  its  "  commodore,"  was 
sent  out. 

Midshipman  Benjamin  Whitmore,  who  was  in 
[186] 


EXPEDITION  TO  CURACAO 

the  Merrimac  on  that  expedition,  says  in  a  pri 
vate  letter,  written  in  1846:  "They  (the  ban 
ditti)  took  Outer  Banda,  or  the  west  side  of  the 
river,  and  plundered  the  inhabitants  of  nearly 
everything.  Our  ship  [the  Merrimac],  with  the 
Patapsco,  was  ordered  there,  and  on  our  appear 
ance  at  the  island  they  all  cut  and  ran.  But 
before  they  could  reach  Guadeloupe,  whence 
they  sailed,  we  captured  the  Brilliante.  Other 
of  our  cruisers  captured  two  or  three  more  of 
the  picaroons." 

After  this  blow,  French  privateering  in  the 
West  Indies  steadily  declined  so  that  many  of 
our  cruisers  were  ordered  home.  A  treaty  of 
peace  with  France,  which  had  been  in  course  of 
negotiation  some  time,  was  ratified  by  the  Senate 
February  3,  1801,  and  all  our  cruisers  were  re 
called. 

It  has  been  noted  in  a  previous  chapter  that 
when  Congress  tried  the  costly  experiment  of 
"  running  a  government  "  without  a  naval  force 
sufficiently  large  to  protect  its  commerce  and 
interests  abroad,  our  merchants  suffered  losses 
[187] 


CLOSING  SCENES 

which,  in  the  aggregate,  amounted  to  many 
times  the  sum  saved  by  not  maintaining  a  naval 
force  commensurate  with  the  growth  of  the 
country. 

As  a  result  of  the  brief  protection  afforded  by 
the  little  navy  called  into  existence  by  our  war 
with  France,  the  exports  from  the  United  States 
increased  from  $57,000,000  in  1797— when  not 
a  single  American  cruiser  was  in  commission — 
to  $78,665,528  in  1799:  an  increase  of  over 
$21,000,000.  In  the  same  period  the  revenue 
on  imports  rose  from  $6,000,000  to  $9,080,932. 
The  entire  cost  of  this  naval  force,  including 
construction,  equipment  and  maintenance,  was 
not  over  $6,000,000 — a  fairly  good  commen 
tary  on  the  sound  common  sense  of  insuring  the 
safety  and  prosperity  of  the  country  by  main 
taining  a  navy  of  a  size  proportionate  with 
its  wealth.  As  if  the  lesson  of  the  French  war 
was  not  sufficient,  the  Government,  on  the  con 
clusion  of  peace  with  France,  immediately  began 
to  cut  down  the  navy.  It  was  under  John 
Adams  that  the  Navy  Department  had  been  es- 
[188] 


REDUCING  THE  NAVY 

tablished  and  the  new  navy  created.  In  fact, 
Adams  all  through  the  Revolution  was  one  of 
the  master  minds  who  recognized  the  necessity 
of  a  naval  establishment  and  did  his  utmost  to 
advance  the  interests  of  our  mercantile  marine. 
In  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1800,  John 
Adams  was  defeated  and  Thomas  Jefferson  was 
elected  President  of  the  United  States.  As 
Jefferson  represented  the  extreme  democratic 
view  of  government — which  at  that  time  was  as 
much  opposed  to  a  permanent  navy  as  the  country 
at  large  was  to  a  standing  army — it  was  gen 
erally  believed  that  the  newly  created  navy  was 
doomed.  In  justice  to  the  broad,  discriminat 
ing  statesmanship  of  Jefferson,  however,  it  must 
be  admitted  that,  on  his  accession  to  power,  he 
placed  the  navy  on  a  peace  footing  in  a  manner 
that  would  have  done  credit  to  John  Adams 
himself.1 

lrThat  the  opposition  of  the  Democrats  (as  they  may 
properly  be  called)  to  a  standing  army  and  a  navy  was,  at 
that  time,  reasonable,  will  be  seen  in  the  following  ex 
tracts  from  the  private  journal  of  William  Maclay  who, 
with  Robert  Morris,  represented  Pennsylvania  in  the  first 

[189] 


CLOSING  SCENES 

It  is  true  that  there  was  a  large  reduction 
in  the  materiel  and  personnel,  but  on  a  careful 
inspection  of  this  "  cutting  down  "  process  it 
will  be  found  that  Jefferson,  while  making- 
radical  changes  in  almost  every  other  de- 
Congress,  1789-1791.  It  was  a  time  when  precedents 
were  to  be  established  and  a  strong  effort  was  made  by 
some  to  have  the  new  government  conform  as  much  as 
possible  to  the  pomp  and  parade  of  Old  World  courts, 
after  so  much  had  been  done  to  establish  a  real  Republic 
in  America.  In  the  absence  of  Thomas  Jefferson  in 
Europe,  William  Maclay,  unquestionably,  was  the  leader 
of  democratic  ideas  and  principles  in  the  first  Congress, 
and  did  much  to  frustrate  the  attempts  of  the  "  mon 
archists,"  as  they  were  called  by  some,  to  ape  the  mon 
archical  functions  of  European  courts. 

In  his  private  journal,  Mr.  Maclay  says:  "It  is  the 
design  of  the  Court  party  [referring  to  those  who  wished 
the  new  government  to  conform  as  much  as  possible  to 
the  monarchical  ideas  of  the  Old  World]  to  have  a 
fleet  and  an  army.  This  was  but  the  entering  wedge  of 
the  new  monarchy  in  America,  after  all  the  bloodshed 
and  sufferings  of  a  seven-years'  war  to  establish  a  repub 
lic.  The  Indian  war  is  forced  forward  to  justify  our 
having  a  standing  army,  and  eleven  unfortunate  men  now 
in  slavery  in  Algiers  is  the  pretext  for  fitting  out  a  fleet." 
In  another  place  he  says:  "I  have  heard  it  break  out 
often.  It  is  another  menace  to  our  republican  institu 
tions." — See  William  Maclay's  Journal,  p.  383. 

[190] 


"  HONORABLY  DISCHARGED  " 

partment,  left  the  navy  practically  unim 
paired. 

When  peace  was  proclaimed  there  were  thirty- 
four  war-ships  in  the  navy,  nineteen  of  which 
were  disposed  of ;  leaving  only  fifteen  in  the  ser 
vice.  This,  at  first  glance,  might  seem  like  a 
sweeping  reduction  but  the  sifting  out  had  been 
done  advisedly  so  that,  while  nineteen  out  of 
thirty-four  ships  had  been  retired,  the  actual 
strength  of  the  navy  had  been  reduced  only 
one-fifth — the  vessels  retained  being  the  largest 
and  most  formidable  while  those  discarded  were 
of  the  lower  ratings. 

In  reducing  the  personnel,  however,  there  was, 
necessarily,  much  injustice  done.  It  is  easy  to 
discriminate  between  the  fair  and  poor  qualities 
of  competitive  ships,  so  as  to  determine  which 
are  the  more  valuable  but  when  such  choice  is 
made  between  a  given  number  of  officers  the 
difficulties  are  obvious.  It  cannot  be  denied  that 
Captain  Brown's  record  in  the  two-years'  war 
against  France  had  been  exemplary — if  not  dis 
tinguished.  He  did  not  have  the  coveted  oppor- 
[191] 


CLOSING  SCENES 

tunity  of  meeting  a  foe  worthy  of  his  steel  and, 
while  his  service  was  one  of  constant  activity, 
watchfulness,  anxiety  and  strain,  there  was 
nothing  about  it  which  we  can  point  out  as  dis 
tinguishing  it  from  that  performed  by  a  score 
of  his  brother  officers. 

When  the  personnel  of  the  navy  was  cut 
down  to  nine  captains,  thirty-six  lieutenants 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty  midshipmen,  Cap 
tain  Brown  was  one  of  the  twenty-eight  cap 
tains  who  were  "  honorably  discharged."  It  is 
possible  that  politics  had  something  to  do  with 
the  venerable  sailor's  retirement,  as  he  was  a 
decided  Federalist  (though  not  a  warm  parti 
san),  the  party  that  formed  the  opposition  to 
the  newly  elected  President.  To  use  his  own 
words,  spoken  twelve  years  before,  he  found 
himself  thrown  "  once  more  on  the  wide  world 
for  employment  to  earn  bread  for  myself  and 
family." 

Thus,  after  forty-four  years  of  continuous 
service  on  the  ocean,  the  last  two  of  which  had 
been  spent  in  Uncle  Sam's  navy,  Captain  Brown 
[192] 


END  OF  THE  MERRIMAC 

found  himself  turned  adrift  on  the  world  to 
shift  for  himself,  with  nothing  to  show  for 
these  long  years  of  toil  but  a  weakened  frame, 
a  goodly  shock  of  white  hair  and  a  rich  fund 
of  experience — assets  that  seldom  profit  a  for 
tune-seeker  at  the  age  of  threescore. 

The  gallant  Merrimac,  shortly  after  her  ar 
rival  in  Boston  from  her  West  Indian  service, 
was  sold  in  1801  for  $21,154,  nearly  half  of 
her  original  cost  to  the  Government,  which  was 
$46,170.  Her  name  was  changed  to  Monti- 
cello,  in  honor  of  Thomas  Jefferson's  home,  and 
she  was  fitted  out  as  a  merchantman.  "  As 
though  indignant  at  the  insult "  [i.  e.,  the 
transformation  from  a  noble  war-ship  to  a  mer 
chant  tramp] ,  writes  Mr.  Swett,  "  she  soon  lay 
a  wreck  on  the  sands  of  Cape  Cod  in  one  com 
mon  tomb  with  her  new  commander;  as  the 
Scythian  warrior  and  his  war-horse  of  old 
shared  one  common  grave." 

Captain  Brown,  however,  pluckily  kept  the 
faith  and  made  a  good  fight.  He  turned  to  his 
old  employers,  and  soon  found  a  berth  as  cap- 
[193] 


CLOSING  SCENES 

tain  of  a  merchantman.  He  made  several  voy 
ages  to  the  West  Indies  with  varying  success. 
While  returning  from  Guadeloupe,  he  was  seized 
with  apoplexy,  January  1,  1804.  The  ship,  at 
the  time,  was  in  sight  of  the  Long  Island  shore. 
Realizing  the  seriousness  of  the  stroke,  Captain 
Brown — toward  sundown,  the  weather  being 
fine — asked  to  be  carried  on  deck  in  order  that 
he  might  see  his  native  land  before  he  died. 
Tenderly  the  rough  seamen  lifted  the  dying 
sea  warrior  on  deck,  and  placed  him  in  his  arm 
chair.  At  his  request  he  was  then  turned  slowly 
around  so  as  to  view  all  points  of  the  horizon 
in  succession.  Having  completed  the  circle 
and  taking  a  last  look  at  his  beloved  native 
land,  he  feebly  remarked :  "  I  have  seen  enough. 
Carry  me  below."  He  was  taken  to  his  cabin 
and  died  in  an  hour.  When  the  news  arrived  in 
Newburyport  all  the  shipping  in  port  half- 
masted  their  colors. 

Although  the  ship  was  only  a  few  days'  sail 
from  her  home  port,  Captain  Brown  was  buried 
at  sea.    At  first,  much  surprise  was  expressed  by 
[194] 


DEATH  OF  MOSES  BROWN 

members  of  his  family  that  his  remains  had  not 
been  kept  until  arrival  in  port  but  it  was  after 
ward  believed  that  the  venerable  mariner  him 
self  had  asked  to  have  a  sailor's  burial.  "  His 
funeral  rites,"  said  Mr.  Swett,  "  were  entirely 
appropriate  and  perfectly  in  keeping  with  the 
whole  tenor  of  his  life.  The  only  appropriate 
tomb  for  him  was  the  deep  where,  during  the 
whole  of  his  protracted  life,  had  been  his  home. 
The  only  proper  mausoleum  for  him  was  the 
mountain  wave  which  he  had  so  long  made  sub 
servient  to  his  will." 

The  ocean  he  sailed  on  while  living, 
Will  sigh  o'er  him  when  he  is  gone. 


[195] 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

CONCLUSION 

IN  this  work   the  writer  has  endeavored  to 
give,  not  so  much  a  life  of  Moses  Brown, 
as  a  picture  of  the  daily  perils,  hardships, 
privations  and  adventures  of  the  average  naval 
officer,  in  the  early  days  of  the  service.     But 
Brown's  adventures,  extraordinary  as  they  cer 
tainly  were,  are  only  a  counterpart  of  those  ex 
perienced  (with  some  variation)  by  dozens  of 
brother  officers  of  his  day  and  scores  and  hun 
dreds  of  those  who  succeeded  him. 

His  experiences  are  startling  to  the  reading 
public  because  we  know  them  to  be  true.  Fic 
tion  would  fear  to  follow  where  these  facts  have 
led  the  way.  It  has  been  this  dearth  of  detail 
in  the  personality  of  our  seamen  that  has,  to  a 
large  extent,  deadened  public  interest  in  the 
navy.  As  we  have  seen,  the  bare  outlines  of  the 
[196] 


UNOFFICIAL    OPPORTUNITIES 

life  of  Moses  Brown  furnish  material  for  several 
works  of  fiction. 

In  the  Explanatory  note  introducing  this 
volume  mention  is  made  of  Dame  Opportunity. 
In  that  preface  the  every-day,  unofficial  oppor 
tunity — the  opportunity  that  does  not  catch  the 
public  ear  or  dazzle  the  public  eye — was  not 
touched  upon.  The  writer  doubts  not  that 
every  man  in  the  United  States  navy  to-day,  of 
twenty  or  more  years'  service,  can  recall  acts  of 
heroism  on  the  part  of  officers  or  men  of  the 
ship's  company,  performed  in  the  ordinary, 
every-day  routine  of  ship  life,  that  were  fully 
equal  in  point  of  personal  bravery  or  patriotic 
fervor  to  any  that  have  been  exploited  in  page 
after  page  of  popular  literature. 

It  has  been  the  writer's  privilege  to  visit  fre 
quently  war-ships  of  the  United  States — and 
those  of  other  nations — in  foreign  ports.  At 
one  time,  while  in  Yokohama,  Japan,  he  wit 
nessed  the  rescue  of  the  crew  of  a  Japanese 
junk,  that  had  been  entangled  in  the  wreck  of 
the  Pacific  Mail  steamer  America  near  the 
[197] 


CONCLUSION 

Kanagawa  forts.  The  Bund  was  lined  with 
American,  English,  French  and  native  specta 
tors — a  terrific  typhoon  being  under  full  head 
at  the  time.  Two  boats  put  out  from  an  Ameri 
can  war-ship  and,  in  spite  of  the  appalling 
chop  seas,  saved  the  Islanders. 

Some  years  later  the  writer  witnessed  an  or 
dinary  maneuver  in  the  Thames,  England,  on 
the  part  of  a  United  States  war-ship  when  the 
lives  of  several  hundred  excursionists  depended 
on  the  calmness  of  one  officer.  As  many  know, 
the  ebb  and  flood  tide  in  the  Thames,  when  at 
"  full  rush,"  is  tremendous.  Few  steamers  can 
stem  it.  The  war-ship  in  question  was  obliged 
to  change  her  moorings  and  had  got  under 
way,  when  an  excursion  steamer  came  dashing 
around  a  bend  in  the  river  with  the  ebb 
tide  at  its  strongest — crowded  with  pleasure- 
seekers. 

Unluckily,  the  Yankee  war  craft,  getting  her 
"  nose  caught  afoul  of  the  stream,"  swung 
broadly  across  the  narrow  river,  so  that  a  disas 
trous  collision  with  the  excursion  boat  seemed 
[198] 


A   CRITICAL   MOMENT 

unavoidable.  The  captain  of  the  cruiser  being 
absent,  a  young  officer  was  in  command.  As 
the  fearful  situation  dawned  upon  the  crew 
every  eye  in  that  well-drilled  ship's  company 
was  instinctively  fixed  on  the  young  officer  and, 
for  an  instant,  a  dead  silence  fell  over  the  men, 
as  they  awaited  his  next  order.  It  was  a  trying 
moment,  just  such  as  confronted  Farragut  in 
Mobile  Bay,  when  he  said,  "  Damn  the  torpe 
does!" 

Taking  in  the  situation  at  a  glance,  the 
officer  leaned  far  over  the  rail  of  the  quarter 
deck  and  in  a  calm,  harsh  voice,  that  carried 
inexpressible  authority  in  it,  said  to  the  master 
of  an  English  coaster  that  was  anchored  in  the 
way,  "  I  guess  you'd  better  slip  your  anchor 
chain."  The  Englishman  promptly  complied, 
the  swift  tide  carrying  his  craft  downstream 
sixty  fathoms.  The  man-of-war  then  dropped 
an  anchor  and,  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell 
it,  straightened  out  in  the  berth  so  hastily  va 
cated  by  the  coaster — the  excursion  boat  just 
cleared  the  war-ship's  stern. 
[199] 


CONCLUSION 

The  incident  may  seem  trivial  and  trivial  it 
certainly  was  in  its  results,  for  no  life  was  lost 
and  no  injury  was  done;  yet  the  maneuver  was 
cleverly  conceived,  quickly  executed  and  called 
for  the  qualities  of  a  great  commander  in  the 
height  of  a  naval  engagement.  Had  the  young 
officer's  nerve  or  wit  failed  at  that  critical  mo 
ment,  one  of  the  greatest  disasters  in  British 
river  navigation  would  have  resulted. 

These  are  merely  two  incidents  that  have 
fallen  within  the  observation  of  the  writer. 
That  there  have  been  hundreds  and  thousands, 
equally  praiseworthy  in  their  nature,  which  have 
never  reached  the  public,  is  obvious.  Captain 
Brown  belonged  to  that  large  class  of  patient, 
conscientious,  painstaking  officers  who,  while 
faithfully  performing  the  every-day  drudgery 
of  routine  work,  year  after  year,  never  received 
even  an  official  recognition  of  their  worth  be 
yond  that  of  slow  promotion. 

In  personal  appearance  Moses  Brown  was 
about  six  feet  high,  with  a  well-knit  figure, 
broad  shoulders  and,  in  later  years,  somewhat 
[200] 


BROWN'S    CHARACTERISTICS 

corpulent,  though  ever  light  and  active  on  his 
feet.  He  shaved  his  face  smooth,  after  the 
fashion  of  the  day,  and  wore  a  wig  with  wavy 
tresses — possibly  in  keeping  with  his  life  on  the 
ocean.  It  is  estimated  that  in  the  forty-seven 
years  he  spent  at  sea  he  made  over  sixty-five 
voyages,  some  of  them  covering  more  than  a 
year,  and  one  over  two  years.  He  was  taken 
prisoner  three  times,  fought  two  full-fledged 
battles,  captured  about  ten  of  the  enemy's  ves 
sels  and  had  the  ghastly  distinction  of  having 
been  buried  alive — at  least  his  supposedly  life 
less  body  was  sewed  up  in  a  canvas  shroud,  with 
heavy  shot  at  his  feet  and  the  board  was  about 
to  be  tipped  up  when  signs  of  life  were  dis 
covered  in  him. 

Captain  Brown's  toast  to  "  General  Wash 
ington,  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Ameri 
can  Army " — given  while  he  was  a  prisoner 
aboard  the  50-gun  frigate  Experiment,  Cap 
tain  Sir  James  Wallace,  and  in  the  presence  of 
his  officers — is  of  itself  sufficient  to  mark  him 
as  a  man  of  strong  character.  It  forms  an 
[201] 


CONCLUSION 

historical  picture  worthy  of  a  place  beside  that 
of  Molly  Pitcher,  Nathan  Hale  and  other  lesser 
lights  of  the  Revolution. 

While  not  loud  in  his  religious  professions, 
Captain  Brown  practiced  that  quiet,  unassum 
ing  Christianity  so  frequently  seen  in  the  navy, 
and  so  delightful  to  those  who  really  "  know 
the  man  "  and  realize  how  bravely  he  is  endeav 
oring  to  follow  the  higher  ideals  of  life  without 
preaching  or  parading  it  before  his  brother 
officers. 

It  is  not  probable  that  Moses  Brown,  on  sail 
ing  from  port,  ever  went  so  far  as  to  leave  a 
note  for  the  minister  asking  for  prayers  that 
"  God  would  preserve  him  in  his  attempt  to 
scour  the  coast  of  our  unnatural  enemies  " — 
and  incidentally  show  a  handsome  balance  on 
the  books  in  the  counting  room  of  the  pri 
vateer's  owners.  This  is  what  the  commander 
of  the  Gamecock — a  pert  little  sloop  of  thirty 
tons  and  carrying  four  swivels — always  did 
and,  being  one  of  the  first  private-armed  cruis 
ers  to  get  to  sea  in  the  Revolution  (sailing  in 


HIGH  IDEALS  OF  MORALITY 

August,  1775),  the  precedent  was  more  or  less 
religiously  followed  by  many  of  our  privateers- 
men  throughout  that  struggle. 

That  Captain  Brown  was  not  a  superstitious 
man  is  shown  in  the  fact  that  he  consented  to 
take  command  of  the  Merrimac  with  the  full 
knowledge  of  the  baleful  circumstances  that  her 
keel  was  laid  on  a  Friday  and  that  she  was 
christened  on  that  unlucky  day — and,  singu 
larly  enough,  her  first  prize  was  taken  on  a 
Friday. 

From  all  the  evidence  we  have  in  hand  we 
conclude  that  Captain  Brown  had  that 
thoroughly  gentlemanly  accomplishment  of  re 
fraining  from  the  use  of  profane  or  harsh  ex 
pletives  in  his  speech.  In  his  treatment  of  his 
subordinates — at  least  in  his  later  years — he 
refrained  from  "  jumping  at  a  conclusion,"  al 
lowed  the  man  a  chance  to  recover  from  that 
"  stage  fright "  or  trepidation  a  true  sailor 
usually  feels  when  addressing  (out  of  the  or 
dinary  routine)  an  officer,  encouraged  the  men 
to  explain  themselves  fully,  and  looked  on  both 
[203] 


CONCLUSION 

sides  of  the  question  before  coming  to  a  de 
cision. 

It  must  not  be  inferred  from  the  foregoing 
that  Captain  Brown  was  of  the  loblolly,  soft 
hearted  and  soft-headed  order.  It  is  the  testi 
mony  of  all  who  served  under  him  that  he  was 
a  disciplinarian  of  the  strictest  kind;  placing 
no  burden  on  the  men  that  they  could  not  prop 
erly  perform,  but  exacting  the  utmost  precision 
and  celerity  for  the  task  in  hand. 

Moses  Brown  died  a  poor  man,  that  is,  he 
left  no  considerable  property.  He  had  always 
managed,  however,  to  maintain  his  family  boun 
tifully  and  to  educate  his  children.  He  was  of 
an  exceedingly  social  disposition  and  affection 
ate  in  his  family  relations,  an  exhaustless  story 
teller  and  a  special  favorite  with  the  children, 
of  whom  he  was  very  fond.1 

iAs  showing  his  tender  regard  for  children,  the  fol 
lowing  letter  from  Captain  Brown  to  the  widow  of  his 
son  William,  who  was  lost  at  sea,  1799,  is  given: 

St.  Kitts,  U.  S.  Ship  Merrimack,  Oct.  ye  28  1800. 
My  Dear  Catey, 

it  is  with  anctious  simpithy  I  im- 

ploy  my  pen  on  so  meloncoly  a  Subject;  but  a  letter 
[204] 


A  SYMPATHETIC  NATURE 

We  get  an  interesting  side-light  on  the  Cap 
tain's  character  in  the  following  quotation  from 
the  pamphlet  of  Samuel  Swett :  "  In  the  Ar- 
minian  church,  where  he  worshiped, — which, 

Resiev'd  from  my  Brother  confirms  my  opinion  of  the 
loss  of  my  son  &  your  husband;  God  in  wisdom  chastizes 
us;  and  I  hope  it  will  be  for  our  futer  good  my  Dear 
girl  I  know  the  stroke  is  heavey  on  you  but  Remember 
tis  the  same  hand  that  gave  him  that  is  ye  author  of 
this  fatal  blow  and  put  your  trust  in  him  who  is  the 
widdows  god  and  father  of  ye  fatherless  children,  who 
hath  said  leave  thy  fatherless  children  I  will  keep  them 
alive  and  let  thy  widdows  trust  in  me.  Breach  on 
breach  has  been  made  in  my  family  &  tis  a  dept  we  must 
all  pay  (man  was  born  to  die)  we  know  not  when  nor 
where,  tis  therefore  our  duty  to  Endeavor  to  be  Ready 
for  that  Solom  hour,  my  daughter  I  must  beg  you  to 
compose  your  Self  as  well  as  possible  and  Remember  in 
me  you  have  a  father  and  friend  on  earth  &  I  hope 
above  a  father  that  is  better  than  all  earthly  parents. 

how   short  and  hasty  is  our  day 
Life's  but  a  tottering  wall 
the  daley  breaches  plainly  tell 
the  house  must  shortly  fall 

I  cannot  but  expect  to  follow  my  children  soon  Even 
if  I  live  to  what  is  called  the  age  of  men — tis  but  a  few 
days  at  most. 

Your  affectionate  father, 

MOSES  BROWN. 

[205] 


CONCLUSION 

in  his  day  was,  by  a  great  majority,  deemed 
to  be  heretical  and  its  worshipers  doomed  to 
destruction — preparations  had  been  made,  on 
Sunday,  for  baptism  of  one  of  Captain  Brown's 
grandchildren.  But  when  the  time  arrived  for 
the  performance  of  the  rite,  the  child  was  not 
forthcoming.  The  erect,  courteous  and  pa 
triarchal  clergyman,  Parson  Cary,  arose  in  his 
pulpit  and,  knowing  well  his  man  and  that  he 
could  depend  on  his  self-possession,  inquired: 
"  Captain  Brown,  do  you  expect  your  grand 
child  to  be  brought  in  for  baptism  to-day  ?  " 

The  Captain,  rising  in  his  pew,  in  his  plain, 
simple  manner,  replied: 

"  I  did  expect  it,  sir,  but  they  seem  to  have 
been  detained ; "  and  the  services  proceeded  as 
usual,  as  if  nothing  uncommon  had  taken 
place. 

Although  not  a  total  abstainer  (such  char 
acters  were  few  and  far  between  in  those  days), 
Captain  Brown  was  a  temperate  man  in  the  best 
sense  of  the  phrase,  and  endeavored  to  inculcate 
his  principles  in  those  around  him,  as  will  be 
[206] 


HONORED  DESCENDANTS 

seen  in  the  following  story :  "  Captain  Brown 
was  very  exemplary  in  his  moderation.  While 
on  a  voyage  and  discovering  that  one  of  his 
officers  too  frequently  and  immoderately  re 
sorted  to  a  small  cask  of  spirits — a  part  of  the 
ship's  stores — he  did  not  hesitate  to  make  what 
he  must  have  esteemed  a  very  great  sacrifice. 
In  his  conciliatory  manner  he  made  an  impercep 
tible  leak  in  the  cask  by  which  it  was  effectually 
drained.  When  this  officer  next  resorted  to  the 
cask  and,  putting  his  hand  on  it,  discovered 
that  it  was  empty,  so  abject  a  slave  had  he  be 
come  to  the  enemy  that  was  destroying  him, 
body  and  soul,  and  so  appalled  was  he  at  the 
sudden  and  instant  sense  of  his  deprivation,  that 
his  whole  strength  failed  him — he  sank  under  it 
helpless  on  the  floor." 

Two  of  Captain  Brown's  sons,  William  and 
Moses,  were  lost  at  sea. 

The  descendants  of  Moses  Brown  have  held 
many  honored  positions — social  and  political — 
in  New  England.  The  only  male  great-grand 
children  now  living,  however,  are  Mr.  Causten 


CONCLUSION 

Browne,  a  prominent  lawyer  in  Boston,  George 
Brown,  of  Bangor,  Me.,  and  the  Hon.  Moses 
Brown,  of  Newburyport,  Mass.  George  Brown 
was  major  in  the  First  Maine  Cavalry  during 
the  Civil  War. 


I  208  ] 


APPENDIX 

EXPLANATION  OF  THE  "  MINERVA'S  "  COM 
MISSION  : 

At  the  upper  left-hand  corner  is  the  seal  of 
the  Navy  Department,  or  Admiralty  Office,  as  it 
was  then  called.  It  shows  a  frigate  under  top 
sails  and  has  crossed  anchors  below.  In  the 
circle  around  the  seal  are  the  words:  "  U.  S.  A., 
Sigil  Naval,"  while  the  rest  of  the  circle  is 
filled  in  with  six-pointed  stars.  The  commission 
(which  is  a  document  12x16  inches)  reads  as 
follows : 

THE    CONGRESS 

Of  the  United  States  of  America, 

To  ALL  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come, 

send  GREETING. 

KNOW    YE 

T  H  A  T  we  have  granted,  and  by  these  pres 
ents  do  grant  license  and  authority  to  Moses 
[209] 


APPENDIX 

Brown,  Esq. — Mariner,  Commander  of  the 
Ship  called  the  Minerva — of  the  burthen  of 
Two  hundred  &  twenty — tons  or  thereabouts, 
belonging  to  Nathaniel  and  John  Tracy  of 
Newburyport,  County  of  Essex  &  Common 
wealth  of  Massachusetts,  mounting  sixteen  car 
riage  guns,  and  navigated  by  sixty  men — men, 
of  out  and  set  forth  the  said  ship — in  a  war 
like  manner,  and  by  and  with  the  said  ship — 
and  officers  and  crew  thereof,  by  force  of  arms, 
to  attack,  subdue,  seize  and  take  all  ships  and 
other  vessels,  goods,  wares,  and  merchandizes 
belonging  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  or 
any  of  the  subjects  thereof,  (except  the  ships 
or  vessels  together  with  their  cargoes  belonging 
to  the  Inhabitants  of  Bermuda,  and  such  other 
ships  or  vessels  bringing  persons,  with  intent  to 
settle  within  any  of  the  said  United  States, 
which  ships  or  vessels  you  shall  suffer  to  pass 
unmolested,  Masters  thereof  permitting  a 
peaceable  search,  and  giving  satisfactory  in 
formation  of  the  lading  and  their  destination) 
or  any  other  ships  or  vessels,  goods,  wares  or 
[210] 


THE  MINERVA'S  COMMISSION 
merchandizes  to  whomsoever  belonging  which 
are  or  shall  be  declared  to  be  subjects  of  cap 
ture  by  any  Resolutions  of  CONGRESS, 
or  which  are  so  deemed  by  the  L  A  W  of  N  A  - 
T  I  O  N  S  :  And  the  said  ships  and  vessels, 
goods,  wares  and  merchandizes  so  apprehended 
as  aforesaid  and  as  prize  taken,  to  bring  into 
port  in  order  that  proceedings  may  be  had  con 
cerning  such  captures  in  due  Form  of  Law,  and 
as  to  Right  and  Justice  appertaineth.  And 
we  request  all  Kings,  Princes,  States,  and  Po 
tentates,  being  in  Friendship  or  Alliance  with 
the  said  United  States,  and  others  to  whom  it 
shall  appertain  to  give  the  said  Moses  Brown 
all  aid,  assistance  and  succour  in  their  ports 
with  his  said  vessel,  company  and  prizes.  W  E  , 
in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  Good  People 
of  the  said  United  States,  engaging  to  do  the 
like  to  all  the  Subjects  of  such  Kings,  Princes, 
States  and  Potentates,  who  shall  come  into  any 
Ports  in  the  said  United  States;  and  We  will 
and  require  all  our  officers  whatsoever,  to  give 
to  the  said  Moses  Brown  all  necessary  aid,  sue- 
[211] 


APPENDIX 

cour  and  assistance  in  the  premises.  This  Com 
mission  shall  continue  in  force  during  the  pleas 
ure  of  the  Congress,  and  no  longer. 

IN  TESTIMONY  whereof,  We  have  caused 
the  Seal  of  the  Admiralty  of  the  United  States 
to  be  affixed  hereunto. 

WITNESS  His  Excellency,  Samuel  Hun- 
tington,  Esquire,  President  of  the  CONGRESS 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  at  Philadel 
phia  this  twenty-fourth  day  of  February  in  the 
Year  of  our  Lord  One  thousand,  seven  hun 
dred  and  eighty-one  and  in  the  fifth  year  of  our 
Independence. 

SAMUEL  HUNTING-TON, 

President. 

Passed  the  Admiralty  Office, 
JOHN  BROWN, 

Secretary  to  the  Board  of  Admiralty. 


INDEX 


Adams,  John,  188,  189 
Adams,  J.  (Lieut),  138 
Algiers,  Dey  of,  118,  119 
Allen,  Charles  W.,  23,  46 
Alliance,  99,  128 
America,  99 
America,  Steamer,  197 
Amsterdam,  98 
Antigua,   52,   55,    154,    163, 

173 

Ariel,  99 
Arnold,  Benedict,  17 

Ballard,  Captain,  150 
Bainbridge,  William,  26 
Baltimore,  121,  140 
Baltimore,  100,  101,  111,  163, 

168 

Barbadoes,  138,  147,  154 
Barney,  Joshua,  120 
Barren,  Samuel,  140 
Barry,  John,  120,  138,  170, 

172,  178 
Bartlett,  Hon.  Bailey,  125, 

127 

Bartlett,  William,  127 
Basseterre,  50,  157,  168,  170, 

171,  173,  177,  179 


Basse  Terre,  155 
Batavia,  129 
Bennett,  Moses,  112 
Bermuda,     109,     113,    144, 

210 

Beyon,  Thomas,  78,  88-91 
Biddle,  Nicholas,  26 
Bishop,  Captain,  96 
Bittern,  179 

Blanchard,  William,  147 
Boardman,  Offin,  36,  38,  39 
Bonaparte,  173,  174 
Bonhomme   Richard,  16,  99, 

128 

Bordeaux,  70 
Boston,  35,  36,  38,  45,  63,  68, 

99,  101,  103,  112,  141,  143, 

165,  193 

Bowie,  Archibald,  38 
Bradstreet,   Nathaniel,   136, 

167,  168 

Bright,  Francis,  140 
Brillante',  185,  187 
Brown,  Edward,  41 
Brown,     George     (Major), 

208 

Brown,  John,  138 
Brown,  John,  212 


INDEX 


Brown,  Joseph,  111,  112, 
114,  136,  140,  160,  169, 
175,  177,  184 

Brown,  Kate  (Mrs.),  204 

Brown,  Moses  (the  Hon.), 
21,  23 

Brown,  Moses  (Captain  U. 
S.  N.),  13,  16,  17,  21,  32, 
33;  ancestry,  41,  42;  first 
voyages,  43-45;  first  sea 
battle,  48-50;  early  voy 
ages,  51-58;  first  Euro 
pean  voyage,  59-67;  in 
the  General  Arnold,  68- 
92;  a  prisoner  in  the  Ex 
periment,  93-96;  perilous 
times  at  sea,  98-115;  build 
ing  the  Merrimac,  130-132; 
in  the  Merrimac,  137-185 ; 
at  Curacao,  186,  187; 
"  honorably  discharged," 
191, 192;  again  in  the  mer 
cantile  service,  193;  his 
death,  194, 195;  character 
istics,  201-207;  descend 
ants,  208 

Cadiz,  60,  88 
Campbell,  Hugh  G.,  138 
Canton,  129 
Cape  Ann,  78,  97 
Cape  Ann  Roads,  96,  184 
Cape  Cod,  193 
Cape  de  Verdes,  104 
Cape  Finisterre,  86,  89 


Cape  Francois,  98 
Cape  Lookout,  101 
Carey,  Parson,  206 
Carterelt,  146 
Cephalonia,  63 
Chadwick,  John,  169 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  18,  63,  96, 

174 

Charming  Nancy,  179 
Chase,  Samuel,  136,  159 
Chesapeake,  119 
Clark,  Thomas  M.,  128 
Clarkson,  Mr.,  171 
Coats,  David,  96 
Coffin,  Sarah,  55 
Coffin,  William,  43,  44,  53 
Collingwood,  Lord,  26,  29 
Congress,  119 
Connecticut,  136 
Constellation,  119,  121,  138, 

140,  157,  162,  185 
Cook,  Sea,  78-80 
Constitution,    14,    119,    121, 

138,  153-155,  163-165 
Conyngham,  Gustavus,  59 
Coombs,  William,  127 
Cooper,  William,  86 
Coruna,  86,  93 
Cowdrey,  L.,  47 
Crescent,  frigate,  118,  119 
Cross,  William,  128,  133 
Curacao,  21,  180,  186 

Dale,  Richard,  26,  120 
Davenport,  Anthony,  111 


INDEX 


Bearing,  Mr.,  134 
Decatur,  Stephen,  26 
Deer  Island,  131 
Delaware,  121 
Desirade,  151,  153,  154,  162, 

166,  169,  179 
Dewey,  George,  27,  30 
d'Estaing,  Count,  18,  96 
Diamond,  frigate,  70 
Diligence,  121,  138 
Dominica,  50,  148,  149,  151 
Dove,  113,  114 
Dover,  93 
Dyer,  Samuel,  78,  80 

Eagle,  121,  138,  163 

Elizabeth,  180 

Emmons,  George  F.,  13,  14, 

76,  108 

Engs,  Captain,  35 
Essex,  brig,  105 
Essex,  frigate,  31,  125,  129 
Eustace,  96 
Experiment,  17,  18,  77,  93, 

95,  201 

Falmouth,  62,  140 
Farragut,  David  G.,  26,  29- 

31,  99 

Fletcher,  Nathan,  136 
Fletcher,    Patrick,    13,    104, 

138,  152 

Fraser,  Colonel,  49 
Friday   (unlucky  day),  203 
Friend,  William,  55-57 


Friends,  22,  36,  40 

Gamecock,  202 

Ganges,  121,  136,  169,  170, 

176-178 

Geddes,  Henry,  186 
General  Arnold,  13-18,  69- 

72 

General  Greene,  122 
General  Hancock,  69 
General  Montgomery,  69 
General  Pickering,  69 
General  Putnam,  69 
General  Washington,  69 
George,  93 
George      Washington,     121, 

136,  138,  151-154,  169 
Getchell,  Emily  A.,  19, 20, 23 
George  the  Third,  94,  95 
Gibraltar,  84 
Goederson,  John,  46,  47 
Governor  Jay,  122 
Grand  Cayman,  180 
Gray,  Thomas,  25 
Greele,  Thomas,  18,  77,  78, 

81,  85,  86 

Greene,  Nathaniel,  45 
Gregory,  John,  84 
Gregson,  15,  82,  84,  91 
Guadeloupe,  50,  53,  113, 148, 

156,    163,    169,    172,    174- 

177,  186,  187,  194 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  180 
Gulf  Stream,  144 
Hackett,   William,    127-130, 

133 


[215] 


Jefferson,  Thomas,  189,  190, 

193 
Johnson,  Nicholas,  127 


INDEX 

Hale,  Nathan,  202  Jacquemel,  180 

Halifax,  43,  44,  48,  56,   71,     Japan,  197 
173 

Hampton  Roads,  123 

Hannah,  brig,  70,  71 

Hannah,    schooner,    111-114    Johnson,  William,  85 

Harmony,  163,  164  Johnson,  William  P.,  127 

Havana,  101,  182  Jones,  John  Paul,  16,  26,  59, 

Haverhill,  125  99 

Herald,  121,  138 

"Herald,"       Newburyport,    Kanagawa,  forts,  198 
132,  133  Lake  Champlain,  116 

Hercules,  103  Lake  Champlain,  battle  of, 

Hobson,   Richmond  P.,  20,       31 

123  Lane,  John,  103,  104 

Holland,  Captain,  107  Lesser  Antilles,  160,  178 

Holyoke,  S.,  131  Lexington,  battle  of,  16,  17, 

Hub,  The,  36  60 

Hull,  Isaac,  28  Limerick,  102 

Huntington,     Samuel,     109,    Lisbon,  102 

212  London,  36,  38,  63,  64 

Long  Island,  194 

Indenture,     in     apprentice-   1'Orient,  100 

Louisburgh,  43,  45 
Lowell,  Captain,  52 
Lucretia,  169 
Lufsinson,  Captain,  44 


ship,  45 
India,  102,  104 
Ingersol,  Joseph,  43 
Innbarrow,  41 
Insurgent,  13,  104,  157 
Intrepid  (Ketch),  28 
Intrepid      (privateer), 

101,  128 
Ipswich,  35 
Isabella,  168 
Isle  of  France,  103 
Isle  of  May,  104 


98- 


Lunt,  Henry,  16,  98,  99 
Lynn,  41 

Macdonough,  James,  26 
Maclay,    Senator    William, 

189,  190 
Madeira,  77 
Maden,  Martin,  178 


[216] 


INDEX 


Magee,  J.,  14,  76 
Magiclenne,  166 
Magnifique,  99 
Maine     Historical    Society, 

18 

Marie  Galante,  151,  153 
Marigold,  58 
Martha,  57 

Martha's  Vineyard,  58,  114 
Martinique,  54,  55,  154,  156, 

163,  172,  173 
Matro,  60 

May,  Andrew,  58,  64 
May,  George,  64 
McNiell,  Daniel,  138 
Mercury,  98 

Merrimac,  small  sloop,  55 
Merrimac    (No.    1),    sloop- 

of-war,  19-22,  33,  42,  54, 

121;  building,  123-136;  in 

the  West  Indies,  137-188; 

wreck  of,  193 
Merrimac  (No.  2),  ironclad, 

20,  123 
Merrimac   (No.   3),   collier, 

20,  30,  123 
Miller,  James  M.,  30 
"  Millions      for      Defense," 

120 
Minerva,  privateer,  108,  209- 

212 

Monitor.  123 
Montezuma,  121,  157 
Montgomery,  21 
Monticello,  193 


Montserrat,  156 
Moore,  Alexander,  104 
Morris,  Robert,  189 

Nanny,  15,  79;  capture  of, 

86-91,  192 

Nantucket  Roads,  165 
Nassau,  110,  111 
Naval   Protection,    188-190 
Nelson,  Horatio,  26,  29 
Neptune,  schooner,  44 
Neptune,  sloop,  171 
Neutrality,  173 
Nevis,  45,  57,  156,  173 
Newbold,  prize  master,  114 
Newbury,  34 
Newburyport,  20,  22,  34,  35, 

40,  41,  44,  52,  53,  57,  58, 

66,  69,  70,  85,  130,  136,  194 
New  Haven,  173 
Newman,  Captain,  118 
New  Orleans,  29 
New  Providence,  110 
New  York,  64,  101,  180 
Nicholson,  Samuel,  120,  138 
Norfolk,  161 
Norfolk,  121,  140,  169,  170, 

183 
Norton,  64 

O'Brien,  Richard,  118 
Oporto,  93 
"  Opportunity,"  27 
Osgood,  Nanna,  129 
Osgood,  William,  129 


[217] 


INDEX 


Otis,  Samuel  A.,  Jr.,  127 

Parker,  Sir  Peter,  63 
Parsons,  Jonathan,  58 
Paramaribo,  107 
Patapsco,  186,  187 
Paulding,  Hiram,  30,  31 
Pearl,  frigate,  150 
Perry,  Oliver  H.,  26 
Petition  for  Merrimac,  120 
Phenix,  185 
Philadelphia,  58,  64,  66,  68, 

119 

Philadelphia,  119 
Philip,  John  O.,  33 
Phillips,  Isaac,  140 
Pickering,  122,  138,  174-176 
Pike,  Dorothy,  41 
Pinckney,  121 
Pitcher,  Molly,  202 
Plymouth,  76 
Polly,  58 

Polly,  privateer,  169 
Porter,  David,  26 
Porto  Rico,  138,  179,  1°0 
Portsmouth,  52,  70,  99,  118, 

134 
Portsmouth,   121,    136,    138, 

164 

Phoebe,  48-50,  52,  53,  56 
Piscataqua,  118 
Point  Petr£,  50,  112 
Port  au  Prince,  57,  110 
Pfeble,  Edward,  138,  175 
Preble,  George  H.,  26 


President,  119 
President's  Roads,  165 
Prince   Rupert's    Bay,    138, 

148,    150,    153,    161,    162, 

170,  178 
Providence,  R.  I.,  21 

Quebec,  45,  68 
Quincy,  Mass.,  129 

Randolph,  Edmund,  118 
Ranger,  sloop,  43,  45 
Reprisal,  79 
Resolue,  163 
Rhode  Island  Light,  96 
Richmond,  121,  140 
Ring's  Island,  42 
Robertson,  William  P.,  171 
Robinson,  James,  48,  49 
Robinson,  John,  84 
Roseau,  151 
Russell,  Charles  G.,  138 

Saba,  157 

Sailor's  Delight,  96 
Salem,  40,  125 
Salisbury,  42,  129,  130 
Sampson,  William  T.,  30 
Saints,  the,  148,  157 
Santa  Margarita,  162 
Saquash  Beach,  58 
Savannah,  77,  95 
Scammell,  122,  138 
Sea  Flower,  44 
Sea  Nymph,  45 


[218] 


INDEX 


Seely,  Frederick,  46,  47 

Senegal,  103 

Serapis,  16,  99,  128 

Smuggling,  53 

South  Carolina,  122 

Staples,  Captain,  44 

St.  Bartholomew,  171 

St.    Christopher     (See    St. 

Kitts) 

St.  Cruz,  58 
St.  Domingo,  180 
St.  Eustatius,  44,  50,  52,  58, 

64,  96,  157 
Stewart,  Charles,  26 
St.  George's  Bank,  113 
St.   Kitts,    44,    45,    50,    52, 

138,  157,  170-173,  177,  179, 

204 

St.  Martin,  52,  138 
St.  Michael's,  80,  83,  84 
Stocker,  Ebenezer,  127 
St.  Pierre,  163,  164 
St.    Thomas,    54,    159,    160, 

165,  171,  178 
Sukey,  22,  35,  39 
Surinam,  105,  107,  165 
SwaUaw,  43 

Swasey,  William  H,  23 
Swett,  Samuel,  66,  134,  167, 

193,  195,  205 

Talbot,  Silas,  120 
Thames,  England,  198 
Thomastown,  147 
Three  Friends,  147 


Tingey,  Thomas,  176 
Tilton,  George  P.,  23 
Titcomb,  Jonathan,  136 
Titcomb,  Michael,  136,  149 
Tobago,  138 
Trenchard,  Edward,  33 
Trenchard,  Stephen  D.,  33 
Tracy,  John,  210 
Tracy,  Nathaniel,  18,  30,  98, 

102,  103,  210 
Trafalgar 

Treludden,  John,  146 
Tripoli,  28 
Truxtun,   Thomas,   26,   120, 

138 

Tucker,  Robert,  113 
Tyng,  Dudley  A.,  127 
Tyrannicide,  129 

United  States,  119,  121,  138, 
153j  163>  1TO 

Valparaiso,  31,  129 
Vengeance,  185 

Vemce»  60»  63 
Vera  Cruz'  181 


I<K 

m  Gorda>  138 
Virginia,  122,  140 

Wallace,  Sir  James,  17,  18, 

77,  93-96,  201 
Washington,  privateer,  35 
Washington,  George,  94,  95, 

160,  201 
Webber,    Ignatius,    19,    78, 

81,  93 


[219] 


INDEX 

Western  Islands,  80  Winslow,  John  A.,  26 

Wexford,  102  Worcestershire,  41 

Wheelwright,  Captain,  107      Warden,  John  L.,  26 
Whitmore,     Benjamin,    42,    Wright,  John  or  Jahan,  46, 

136,  186,  187 
William,  84,  85 
Williams,  Edward,  45 

Williams,  Thomas,  140  Yokohama,  197 

Willicat,  Captain,  93 
Willis,  Captain,  107  Zante,  63 


47 
Wright,  Mary,  46,  47 


THE   END 


[220] 


THE  LIFE  AND  ADVENTURES  OF 

"JACK"     PHILIP 

The  ONLY  BIOGRAPHY  of  the  Distinguished  Admiral 

Edited  by  EDGAR  STANTON  MACLAY,  Author  of 

"Moaes  Brown,"  "A  History  of  the  U.  S.  Navy," 

etc.,  etc.,  Assisted  by  BARRETT   PHILIP. 

Large  quarto,  illustrated,  net,  $2.50. 
It  contains  articles  by 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

Our  Martyr  President 
ALFRED  THAYER  MAHAN 

Captain  U.  S.  N.   (Retired) 
JOHN  DAVIS  LONG 

Ex-Secretary  of   the  Navy 
WILLIAM  THOMAS  SAMPSON 

Rear-Admiral  U.  S.  N. 
MARY  PHILIP  WHEELOCK 

Sister  of  Rear-Admiral  Philip 

And  many  distinguished  naval  officers. 

A  most  interesting  feature  of  the  binding  is  the 
COPPER  TABLET  (five  inches  long)  of  the  "Texas" 
which  appears  on  the  front  cover.  It  is  embossed 
go  that  the  turret,  sponsons,  military  masts,  etc., 
stand  out  from  the  surface. 

As  a  gift  it  is  peculiarly  suitable,  for  it  is  a  book 
that  appeals  especially  to  all  people  interested  in  the 
navy — and  that  means  almost  every  man,  woman  and 
child  in  the  United  States.  It  will  NOT  be  a  COM 
MON  GIFT,  for  the  edition  is  limited  to  six  hundred 
copies. 

The   Baker  &  Taylor    Co.,   Publishers 

33-37  East  17th  Street,  Union  Square  North,  New  York 


SOCIAL     PROGRESS 

A  YEAR  BOOK  AND  ENCYCLOPEDIA 

OF     INDUSTRIAL,     ECONOMIC, 

SOCIAL    AND    RELIGIOUS 

STATISTICS. 

EDITED  BY  DR.  JOSIAH  STRONG 
Cloth,  net  $1.00  Postage  8  cents 


A  compact  statistical  and  descriptive  Year  Book 
of  social  progress  in  the  United  States,  and  so  far 
as  possible  in  the  world. 

The  Year  Book,  under  tire  editorship  of  Dr. 
Josiah  Strong,  a  guarantee  both  of  the  compre 
hensiveness  and  accuracy  of  the  work,  will  give 
each  year,  in  compact  form,  the  statistics  and 
facts,  primarily  for  the  United  States,  and  less 
minutely  for  the  world  at  large,  of  all  lines  of 
social  advance,  religious,  moral,  educational 
economic,  commercial,  and  legislative. 

It  will  give  the  annual  statistics  of  Labor 
Unions,  and  especially  report  the  progress  of  Ar 
bitration  in  the  settlement  of  industrial  difficul 
ties,  and,  better  still,  the  prevention  of  difficul 
ties  by  Trade  Agreements  and  Boards  of  Concili 
ation. 

It  will  report  the  statistics  of  Child  Labor, 
Civil  Service,  Cooperation,  Divorce  Reform, 
Education,  the  Housing  Problem,  Institutional 
Churches,  Public  Ownership,  the  Initiative  and 
Referendum,  Social  Settlements,  Tax  Reform, 
Temperance,  The  Hours  of  Work  and  th-e  Wages 
of  Men  and  Women. 

The  book  will  show  the  growth  of  the  various 
reform  Political  Movements,  and  especially  of 
Labor  and  Reform  Legislation. 


The   Baker  &  Taylor    Co.,   Publishers 

33-37  Bast  17th  Street,  Union  Square  North,  New  York 


"Slf  aPP'icat'» 


YB  37298 


